sábado, 3 de janeiro de 2015

CACD – DISCURSIVA 2015 – DIPLOMATA – LÍNGUA INGLESA –WRITING EXAMINATION

www.inglesparaconcursos.blog.br

❑ PROVA DE LÍNGUA INGLESA:
• CEBRASPE-2015-DIPLOMATA-PROVA ESCRITA.
❑ ESTRUTURA-PROVA ESCRITA (WRITING EXAMINATION):
• (1) TRANSLATION  | 20 pontos |
• (2)  VERSION  | 15 pontos |
• (3)  SUMMARY | 15 pontos |
• (4) COMPOSITION | 50 pontos|



1 - TRANSLATION:
[value: 20 marks]
Translate into Portuguese the following excerpt adapted from Sir Christopher Meyer's article How to step down as an ambassador — with style.

It was once the custom for British ambassadors to write a valedictory despatch at the end of their posting. In contrast to the utilitarian style of daily diplomatic reporting, ambassadors were expected to spread their wings with candid comment on the country they were leaving, larded, where the wit was willing, with humorously pungent observations on the character of the locals. The best were distributed throughout the diplomatic service for the enlightenment and amusement of its ranks.

These were usually pretty sensitive and might be construed as a slight abroad were their contents divulged beyond the Ministry’s portals. Some missives were deemed so delicate that their circulation was restricted for fear of leaks. Bidding farewell Sir Ivor Roberts dared ask: "Can it be that in wading through the plethora of business plans, capability reviews, skills audits… we have forgotten what diplomacy is all about?"

Whether written with quill, typewriter or tablet, a key requirement has ever been the ability to render incisive judgment, with style and wit.
Christopher Meyer. How to step down as an ambassador - with style.The telegraph, August 7th 2015.
➽ TRADUÇÃO:            
Já foi o costume de os embaixadores britânicos escreverem um despacho de despedida ao final de seu exercício em um posto diplomático. Em contraste ao estilo utilitário das reportagens diplomáticas diárias, esperava-se que os embaixadores "abrissem suas asas" com comentários francos sobre o país que estavam deixando, recheados, onde a argúcia era devida, com observações humoristicamente pungentes sobre as características dos locais. Os melhores eram distribuídos por todo o serviço diplomático, para o esclarecimento e o divertimento de seus funcionários.
           
Esses comentários eram, geralmente, bastante sensíveis e podiam ser compreendidos como uma crítica depreciativa no exterior, caso seus conteúdos fossem divulgados além do âmbito do Ministério. Algumas missivas eram consideradas tão delicadas que sua circulação foi restringida, por medo de vazamentos. Despedindo-se, Sir Ivor Roberts ousou questionar: “Será possível que, ao atravessarmos a miríade de planos de negócios, revisões de capacidades, auditorias de habilidades... nós esquecemos o que é a essência da diplomacia?”.
           
Seja escrito em pena, máquina de escrever ou “tablet”, um requisito-chave sempre foi a habilidade de produzir um juízo incisivo, com estilo e perspicácia.

2 - VERSION:
[value: 15,00 marks]
Translate into English the following excerpt adapted from Sérgio Buarque de Holanda’s Raízes do Brasil.

A empreitada de implantação da cultura europeia em extenso território, dotado de condições naturais, se não adversas, francamente antagônicas à sua cultura milenar, é, nas origens da sociedade brasileira, o fato dominante e mais rico em consequências. Trazendo de países distantes nossas formas de convívio, nossas instituições, nossas ideias, e timbrando em manter tudo isso em ambiente muitas vezes refratário e hostil, somos ainda hoje uns desterrados em nossa terra. Podemos enriquecer nossa humanidade de aspectos novos e imprevistos, aperfeiçoar o tipo de civilização que representamos, mas todo o fruto de nosso trabalho ou de nossa preguiça parece participar de um sistema de evolução próprio de outro clima e outra paisagem.

É significativo termos recebido a herança proveniente de uma nação ibérica. Espanha e Portugal eram territórios-ponte pelos quais a Europa se comunicava com os outros mundos. Constituíam uma zona fronteiriça, de transição, menos carregada desse europeísmo que, não obstante, retinha como um patrimônio imprescindível.
Sérgio Buarque de Holanda.
Raízes do Brasil. 3.ª ed. Rio de Janeiro:
José Olympio, 1956, p. 15-16.
➽ VERSÃO (Português→Inglês):   
The dominant and most consequential fact in the origins of Brazilian society is the effort of implanting [-1,0] the [-0,5] European culture upon a large territory, doted [-1,0] with natural conditions that were, if not adverse, frankly antagonistic toward Europe's millenar [-0,5] culture. By bringing from distant countries our forms of socialization, our institutions, our ideas, and by insisting on maintaining all that in an environment that is often unfavorable and hostile, we remain, still, a people disconnected from our surroundings. Although we may enrich our humanity with new and unforeseen aspects and perfect the kind of civilization that we represent, all the product of either our work or our laziness seems to be a part of a system of evolution that belongs to another climate and another landscape.
         
It is significant that we received the heritage of an Iberic nation. Spain and Portugal were both passageways through which Europe communicated with the other worlds. They constituted an area of borders and of transition, less filled with this European influence which, nonetheless, they retained as an indispensable asset.

Versão 2(Wallace Medeiros de Melo Alves)(Alcançou 11 pontos)::           
The undertaking of the establishment of the [-1,0] European culture in a large territory, endowed with natural conditions, which if not adverse, it is widely antagonist [-1,0] of [-1,0] its centuriesold culture, is, at the roots of Brazilian society, the richest and most dominant factor in its consequences. By bringing our ways of life, institutions and ideas from distant countries, as well as managing to conciliate all this in an environment that is hostile and opponent at times, we are still foreigners in our own land. We can enrich our humanity through new and unexpected aspects, improve the type of civilization we represent, but all the outcome from our work or laziness seems to take part in a system of evolution related to a different climate and landscape.
         
It is meaningful that we have received the heritage from an Iberian nation. Spain and Portugal were territories that served as a bridge, through which Europe communicated with other worlds. They were a transitional border zone, less [-1,0]
endowed with this European identity, although they kept it as a valuable asset.

Versão 3(Hudson Caldeira Brant Sandy):           
In the origins of Brazilian society, the attempt to implant [-1,0] European culture in a vast territory with natural conditions that are - if not contrary [-1,0] - openly antagonistic towards Europe's millenar [-0,5] culture has been the dominant
fact, and the one richest in consequences. Having brought our models of community life, our institutions and our ideas from distant countries, and struggling to keep them all in an environment that rebuffs and is hostile to them, we are, even nowadays [-1,0], outcasts in our own land. We may enrich our humanity with new and unforseen aspects, we may paerfect the kind of civilization that we represent, but the fact remains that the entire product of our work or sloth seems to be a part of a specific evolution system, one from a different climate and a different landscape.
            
It is meaningful that the heritage we received stems from an Iberian nation. Spain and Portugal were bridge territories through which Europe could communicate with other worlds. They were a frontier zone, one of transition, less burdened with this Europeism [-1] that it kept, regardless, as an indispensible patrimony.

Versão 4(NOTA ZERO):           
The work of implementing the European culture in a vast territory, rich in natural conditions, if not adverse, frankly opposed to its millenar culture is, in the origins of the Brazilian society, the dominant fact and the richer one in consequences. Bringing from far away countries our ways of living, our institutions, our ideas, and carrying for keeping all that in an environment often closed and hostile, we are nowadays still some expatriates in our own land. We may enrichen our humanity with new and unexpected aspects, improve the kind of civilization that we represent, but all the outcomes of our work or of our lazyness seem to participate in an evolution system characteristic of another climate and another landscape.
        
It is significant that we had received the heritage from an Iberic nation. Spain and Portugal were bridge-territories through which Europe used to communicate with the other worlds. They used to constitute a bordering zone of transition, less charged of that europeism which, however, it retained as an essential property.

3 - SUMMARY:
[value: 15 marks]
Write a summary, in your own words, of the following excerpt adapted from Gaia Vince’s Humans have caused untold damage to the planet. Your text should not exceed 200 words.

The times in which we live are epoch-making. Literally. Such is the scale of the changes humans have wrought of late that our world has been altered beyond anything experienced hitherto. Our planet is now crossing a geological boundary, and we are the change-makers.

Millions of years from now, a stripe in the accumulated layers of rock on Earth’s surface will reveal our human fingerprint, just as we can discern evidence of dinosaurs in rocks of the Jurassic, the explosion of life that marks the Cambrian or the glacial retreat scars of the Holocene. Our imprint will be revealed by species going extinct by the score, sharp changes in the oceans’ chemistry, depletion of forests and encroachment of deserts, shrinking of glaciers and the sinking of islands. Geologists of the far future will detect in fossil records a diminishing array of wild animals offset by an upsurge of domesticates, the baleful effects of detritus such as aluminium drink cans and plastic carrier bags, and the noxious smudge of mining projects laying waste the oil sands of north-western Canada, revolving 30 billion tonnes of earth each year — twice the amount of sediment discharged from all the rivers in the world.

In acknowledgement that humanity has become a geophysical force on a par with the earth-shattering asteroids and planet-cloaking volcanoes that defined past eras, geologists are dubbing this new epoch the Anthropocene. Earth now ranks as a human planet. We determine whether a forest stands or is razed, whether species survive or become extinct, how and whither a river flows, the temperature of the atmosphere, even. We have become the most manifold big animal on Earth, followed by those we breed to feed and serve us. Nearly half the planet’s land surface is now used to grow our food, and we control three-quarters of the world’s fresh water. Prodigious times, indeed. In the tropics, coral reefs dwindle, ice melts apace at the poles while the oceans are emptying of fish at our doing. Entire islands are submerging under rising seas, just as naked new land emerges in the Arctic.

It has become the business of science journalists to take special note of reports on how the biosphere is changing, and research is hardly in short supply. Study after study plot changes in butterfly migrations, glacier melt rates, ocean nitrogen levels, wildfire frequency... all linked by a common theme: the impact of humans. Scientists have described the multifarious ways humans are affecting the natural world. Climate scientists tracking global warming have forewarned of deadly droughts, heatwaves and gathering sea-level rise. Conservation biologists have envisaged biodiversity collapse to the point of mass extinction; marine biologists deplore “of plastic garbage” roaming the seas; space scientists debate the destiny of all the junk up there menacing our satellites; ecologists denounce deforestation of the last intact rainforests; agro-economists raise the alarm about deserts engulfing vast tracts of fertile soil. Every new study hammers home the extent to which our world is changing. Humanity is shaking it up. And people across the globe can hardly be in any doubt about the environmental crises we set in motion. All this is deeply troubling, if not overwhelming.

Dire predictions abound as to our future on Earth. At the same time, nonetheless, we should not disparage our triumphs, our inventions and discoveries — how scientists find novel ways to improve plants, stave off disease, transport electricity and forge new materials. We can be an incredible force of and for nature. Humans have the power to heat the planet further or to cool it down, to eliminate species and to engineer new ones, to re-sculpt the terrestrial surface and to fashion its biology. No part of this planet is untouched by human hand — we have transcended natural cycles, altering physical, chemical and biological processes. We can craft new life in a test tube, resurrect extinct species or grow replacement body parts. We have invented robots to be our drudges, computers to expand our brains, and a new ecosystem of communication networks. We have redrawn our own evolutionary pathway with medical advances that save those who would otherwise die in infancy. We are supernatural: we can fly without wings and dive without gills; we can survive killer diseases and be resuscitated after death.

The realisation that we wield such planetary power requires a major shift in perception, one that topples the scientific, cultural and religious philosophies that define our place in the world, in time and in relation to all other known life. Man was once framed at the centre of the Universe. Then came Copernicus in the 16th century, who put Earth in its place as just another planet revolving around the Sun. By the 19th century, Darwin had reduced man to just another species — a wee twig on the grand tree of life. The paradigm has swung round again, though: man is no longer just another species. We are the first to knowingly reshape the Earth’s biology and chemistry. We have become vital to the destiny of life on Earth. The Anthropocene throws up unprecedented challenges, as we have already begun to tilt global processes out of kilter. In some cases, minuscule further changes could spell disaster; in others, a fair degree of leeway remains before we face the consequences.

The self-awareness implicit in recognising our power requires us to question our new-found role. Are we just another part of nature, doing what nature does: reproducing to the limits of environmental capacity, subsequently to suffer a sudden demise? Or shall we prove the first species capable of curbing its natural urges, and modulating its impact on the environment, such that habitability on Earth can be maintained? Should we treat the rest of the biosphere as an exploitable resource to be plundered at will for our pleasures and needs, or does our new global power imbue us with a sense of responsibility over the rest of the natural world? The Anthropocene — and our very future — will be defined by how we reconcile these opposing, interwoven drives in the years to come.
Gaia Vince.
Humans have caused untold damage to the planet.The Guardian. September 25th 2015. In: <www.theguardian.com>.
➽ RESUMO EM INGLÊS:
As a result of humankind's unprecedented capacity to alter the Earth's geophysical characteristics, geologists have named the current era as the Anthropocene. Humans have now significant control and can deeply affect nature.
           
Millions of years in the future, fossils will present a record of humanity's impact on the planet: a long list of extinct animal species, deforestation, desertification, and raising sea levels.
           
Scientists and journalists have been researching and reporting these anthropogenic changes on climate, soils, and biodiversity. Hence, few people deny that humanity has caused these environmental crises taht are changing the world.
           
However, modern technological and scientific advancements can also be used to protect the environment. Therefore, humankind's impact on the Earth does not necessarily have to be a negative one.
          
Though the Scientific Revolution has put and end to the old anthropocentric conceptions, contemporary developments of humankind's capacity to alter the world mean that a new selfperception about humanity's place and powers must be formed.
           
Hence, humanity must make a decision about what it will do with its new perceived power: continue to make unrelentless use of nature's resources or act with greater responsibilities. The future depends on this choice.

Modelo 2         
Human action has prompted deep changes on Earth, and has inaugurated a new geological era: the Anthropocene. In the future, the human fingerprint will be measured in terms of extinction of species, the composition of oceans, deforestation, desertification, the disappearance of islands and ice caps, garbage and climate change. Humanity has managed to control the resources from Earth, but it has also become a force comparable to asteroids and volcanoes. Science journalism foreshadows a dismal reality in the fields of biodiversity, sea-level, outer space and agriculture – all as a consequence of human action.
            
Conversely, the progress of science cannot be disregarded, as we are now capable of controlling nature. Mankind needs to change its perception regarding the planet. Our position as the center of the Universe, toppled [1] by Copernicus and Darwin in the past, is once again real. Humanity is sure that the changes we are experiencing are a direct result of human action. As mankind becomes aware of its position as a great geological force, it needs to answer the prospects unveiled by scientists. We need to decide whether we will live according to the limits imposed by nature or we will adjust nature to our survival demands.

Modelo 3
Human beings are changing the planet in a decisive way, and scientists are calling the current geological age the “Anthropocene”.
            
When the scientists of the future study the present period, just like we have found fossils of dinosaurs, they will find an array of elements that will show them how we changed our planet for the worse.
            
Human beings have become a force as strong as volcanoes and asteroids in our ability to definitely change the planet. We are affecting the climate, the oceans, the biodiversity and even the outer space.
            
However, the same power we use to destroy we can also use to construct. The improvements in medicine, biogenetics and technology in general prove human beings can work in favor of nature, not only against it.
           
In order to use our force in this positive way, however, we need to change our perspective. We have to assume our place in the world and acknowledge that, in the Anthropocene, we are not “a species”, we are “the species” that controls the destiny of the planet. With great power comes great responsibility, and this is why we must act carefully when we deal with our environment.

Modelo 4
Human activities have caused unprecedented changes in the world, which has led the planet to cross a geological boundary that menaces the survival of all species, including humanity. In the future, the human impact upon the environment will be measured by its fingerprint concerning the adverse consequences brought to the planet. Humankind’s geophysical force is comparable to that of the asteroids and volcanoes that dramatically changed life in Earth. This context paves the way for a new era of the Anthropocene, in which humanity plays a critical role in determining the course of natural events, such as species’ extinction and global temperature. Indeed, along with the prodigious use of the environmental resources, there is also the depletion of them.
           
It has been of increasing concern to journalists, climate scientists and conservation biologists to keep track of the human-induced changes in the global environmental system. Even new study further corroborates such transformations and leaves no doubt that the environmental crisis are already set in motion.
          
Despite these predictions, humanity should place a great value on its capacity to innovate, adapt to the nature and enhance its living standards. Humans’ force for nature has transcended deterministic natural cycles. What is necessary is to reshape the anthropocentric perception, in which humanity defines the destiny of life on Earth. In this sense, humankind needs to perform a new-found role, considering the dilemmas between responsibility and unsustainable development, between to perish and reduce its impact upon the planet. Addressing these concerns is at the center of the Anthropocene debate.

4 - COMPOSITION:
[Length: 400 to 450 words]
[value: 50 marks]

History consists of a corpus of ascertained facts. The facts are available to the historian in documents, inscriptions and so on, like fish on the fish monge’s slab. The historian collects them, takes them home, and cooks and serves them in whatever style appeals to him. Acton, whose culinary tastes were austere, wanted them served plain. In his letter of instructions to contributors to the first Cambridge Modern History, he announced the requirement “that our Waterloo must be one that satisfies French and English, German and Dutch alike”.
E. H. Carr. What is history? 2nd Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1987, p. 9 (adapted). 

When history is mobilised for specific political projects and sectarian conflicts; when political and community sentiments of the present begin to define how the past has to be represented; when history is fabricated to constitute a communal sensibility, and a politics of hatred and violence, we [historians] need to sit up and protest. If we do not, then the long night will never end. History will reappear again and again, not just as nightmare but as relived experience, re-nacted in endless cycles of retribution and revenge, in gory spectacles of blood and death.
Neeladri Bhattacharya, quoted in Willaim Dalrymple.
Trapped in the ruins. The Guardian. March 20th 2004.

Compare and discuss the views of history expressed in the two quotes above, illustrating your discussion with appropriate examples.

➽ REDAÇÃO EM INGLÊS:         
There is a common saying according to which history is a means of learning from the mistakes committed in the past in order to avoid them in the future. That definition might cause some problems, because it largely depends on the evaluation each one makes of the [1] facts, which could lead to cinicism [2]. However, it has the advantage of remembering [3] historians that their mission is a moral one. Moreover, the definition highlights something of the utmost importance: historical knowledge must make the present better.
       
History-making depends not only on the people who decide, but also on the circumstances in which they find themselves. That is also true for reporting the facts, which means that the opinions and values of historians play a great role in their work. When Edward Carr wrote that the historian collects the facts, “takes them home, and cooks and serves them in whatever style appeals to him”, he was referring to that. Denying it would mean refusing [4] that men and women are not factsreporting machines. Their feelings and preferences inevitably interfere.
            
Recognizing the role played by personal values does not mean nobody should try to distinguish true facts from false ones. People must be vigilant, for history can be used for undesirable political projects and sectarian conflicts. That is the opinion of Neeladri Bhattacharya, according to whom historians must firmly reject those attempts. In fact, that use of history is very frequent. The prime minister of Israel has recently declared that an Islamic leader, the mufti of Jerusalem, was responsible for influencing Hitler, when the latter decided to annihilate the Jewish people. Fortunately, many historians and political leaders have followed Bhattacharya’s advice, condemning Netanyahu’s declaration.
           
Behind the reaction to the Israeli leader’s words, there is a very important belief: historical knowledge should not be used for stirring confrontation. On the contrary, it must foster cooperation. It means historians and political leaders should work together, seeking peace and progress for all. In South America, the people of Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay have learnt it very well. Insted [5] of insisting on a version of the War of the Triple Alliance that highlighted good and evil players, historians have explained that conflict as the result of the creation of each state in the nineteenth century. That probably helped, when the four countries formed Mercosur in 1991.
           
The way something is defined reflects how people intend to use it. Consequently, describing history and the work of historians might be really beneficial to society. When facts are reported, people’s style and values cannot be eliminated. Nevertheless, history should not be a means for stimulating hatred and revenge.

CACD TPS 2013 – DIPLOMATA – LÍNGUA INGLESA

www.inglesparaconcursos.blog.br

❑ PROVA DE LÍNGUA INGLESA:
  • DIPLOMATA-CACD-WRITING EXAMINATION-2013-CESPE/UnB.

❑ ESTRUTURA-PROVA ESCRITA (WRITING EXAMINATION):
  • (1) TRANSLATION  | 20 pontos |
  • (2)  VERSION  | 15 pontos |
  • (3)  SUMMARY | 15 pontos |
  • (4) COMPOSITION | Peru’s mineral wealth and woes | Carl Gustav Jung | 50 pontos | 



1 - TRANSLATION:
Translate into Portuguese the excerpt adapted from Peter Hughes’ article "It’s a jungle out there", published in The Spectator on 17th September 2011.
[value: 20 marks]

Iquitos, once a boom town, lies more than 2,000 miles from the mouth of the Amazon, yet here the river is still more than half a mile wide. You are deep in the steaming jungle. On both banks, rainforest comes tipping down to the water in a rough and tumble of vegetation sporting a million shades of green. Piranhas teem in the shallows while alligators idle on the banks. Birds of iridescent colours cackle and croak, whistle and squawk. Three-toed sloths lounge leisurely in the branches and monkeys career headlong through the treetops.
             
Into the midst of all this unbridled wildness there looms a floating incongruity in the discordant guise of a new three-storey luxury cruise boat. Aria, a 150-foot long glasshouse, is plying the waters around Iquitos at a point on the Amazon where Brazilian and Peruvian naval bases flaunt the armed flotillas farthest inland anywhere in the world. Luxury here spells everything the jungle is not: air conditioned, bug-, mud- and snake-free, comfortable and clean.
Internet: <www.spectator.co.uk/supplements/the-spectator-guide-tocruises/7238013/its-a-jungle-out-there/>
Retrieved on 13/9/2013.
TRADUÇÃO:
Iquitos, no passado uma cidade em crescimento, situa-se a mais de duas mil milhas de distância da entrada do rio Amazonas. Aqui, o rio tem mais de meia milha de largura. Você está nas profundezas dessa quente e úmida floresta. Em ambas as margens, a floresta tropical curva-se até a água em uma mistura desordenada de vegetação que possui milhões de gradações de verde. Piranhas abundam nas águas rasas enquanto jacarés descansam nas margens. Pássaros de cores brilhantes e chamativas fazem todos os tipos de barulhos e cantos. Preguiças de três dedos descansam agradavelmente nos galhos, e macacos deslocam-se rapidamente pelo topo das árvores.
          
No meio dessa natureza sem limites, aparece uma incongruência flutuante no
formato discordante de um novo navio de luxo de três andares. Aria, uma casa de vidro com 150 pés de comprimento, está navegando nas águas ao redor de Iquitos, em um local do Amazonas em que bases navais brasileiras e peruanas exibem grupos de navios armados que estão mais no interior do continente do que em qualquer outro lugar do mundo. O luxo, aqui, é tudo que a floresta não é: com ar condicionado, livre de insetos, lama e cobras, confortável e limpa.

2 - VERSION:
Translate into English the excerpt above adapted from a speech delivered by the Brazilian Minister of State for External Relations, Ambassador Luís Felipe Lampreia, in Brasília on February 16th, 1996.
[value: 15 marks]

Os países da América se unem hoje com um sentimento comum de satisfação para comemorar o primeiro aniversário da Declaração de Paz do Itamaraty, de 17 de fevereiro de 1995, que restabeleceu a confiança e a amizade entre dois povos irmãos.
            
Esse é o caminho: o diálogo, nunca a confrontação; a razão, jamais a força. Serão, por certo, desafiadoras essas negociações. A agenda é densa e os temas se entrelaçam numa teia de condicionantes múltiplos. Acima de tudo, será preciso saber projetar uma visão de futuro, inspirada no interesse de longo prazo dos dois países. Uma visão que enfrente o desafio de buscar formas, mais do que de convivência pacífica, de desenvolvimento solidário. Esse processo, de dimensão histórica, deverá proporcionar que as Partes se sintam estimuladas a assumir, de forma gradual e progressiva, as tarefas e responsabilidades de, conjuntamente, assegurarem não tão somente a paz na região como também o desenvolvimento e o
progresso social.
Source: Resenha de Política Exterior do Brasil,
número 78, 1º semestre de 1996, pp 37-38.

➽ VERSÃO (Português→Inglês):
The countries of America unite today with a common feeling of satisfaction to celebrate the first aniversary of the Peace Declaration of the Itamaraty, signed on the 17th of February 1995, which reestablished trust and friendship between two peoples that are brothers.
           
This is the path: dialogue, never confrontation; reason, never force. Negotiations will, certainly, be challenging. The agenda is dense and issues interconnect in a web of multiple conditioning factors. Above all, it will be necessary to project a vision of the future, inspired by the long term interests of both countries. A vision that faces the challenge of searching for ways of solidary development, going beyond peaceful coexistence. This process, of historic dimension, must create an environment where the parts feel estimulated to assume, gradually and progressively, the tasks and responsibilities of jointly ensuring not only peace in the region, but also development and social progress.

3 - SUMMARY:
Write a summary, in your own words, in no more than 200 words, of the previous excerpt adapted from John Crabtree's 2012 openDemocracy paper The new Andean politics: Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador.
[value: 15 marks]

A 700-kilometre march by indigenous protesters in Ecuador lasted two weeks before reaching the capital Quito on 22 March 2012. It echoes previous marches in both Peru and Bolivia against policies that pose a threat to indigenous communities.
            
The governments of all three Andean countries face criticism for policies designed to boost investment but that fail adequately to address the concerns of local people, who claim these projects threaten their physical and social environment.
             
Earlier in 2012, protesters from the northern Cajamarca region in Peru marched on Lima, repudiating plans to build a giant new copper and gold-mining plant at Conga, a project they say will affect water supplies to local communities.
            
These events are set against a background where, in all three countries, governments elected with the support of indigenous populations have taken steps to enshrine indigenous rights in their respective legal codes.
            
In Peru, these rights have recently been passed into law. Soon after his inauguration as president in July 2011, Ollanta Humala passed a law making prior consultation a legal obligation. Elected on a leftwing ticket that supported indigenous rights, Humala was obliged to enact a law vetoed by his predecessor, Alan García Perez. In 2009, García had faced down protests in the northern town of Bagua as indigenous groups protested against plans to facilitate hydrocarbons exploration and exploitation in the Amazon jungle. Some thirty people, including police, were killed in the fray.
            
The governments of Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador reflect aspects of what has been called the "pink wave" in Latin America, a reversion of the free-wheeling neo-liberal policies in vogue up until the early years of the new millennium — albeit to varying degrees. Bolivia and Ecuador belong to the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (Alba), spearheaded by President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela. Both countries have pursued policies highly critical of the United States and its policies towards Latin America. For his part, Peru’s Humala came to power having previously established and led a highly nationalistic party which, in the elections of 2011, made common cause with the parties of the Peruvian left. Since taking office, however, Humala has abandoned much of his earlier leftist rhetoric.
            
In Peru traditional party elites had failed conspicuously to resolve the country’s chronic economic and political problems, and were largely swept aside under the governments of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000). But Fujimori’s departure from the scene did not lead to the resurgence of partisan organisation. Even the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (Apra), which dates from the 1930s and was once Peru’s largest mass party, remained but a shadow of its former self; in the 2011 elections it won only four seats in the 130-seat unicameral legislature.
            
All three presidents have had scope, therefore, to refashion their country’s electoral politics since taking power. In Bolivia, despite some defections, the MAS has a clear majority in both houses of the legislature, now known as the "plurinational legislative assembly". With only a modest presence, the opposition parties are effectively powerless to stop legislation.
            
Rafael Correa’s party, Alianza Pais (AP), has likewise enjoyed a working majority in Ecuador’s national assembly, although it has suffered some damaging defections in recent times. The situation is different in Peru, where Humala’s Gana Peru grouping did not win a majority in the 2011 elections, but has since entered into alliances with centrist and centre-right groupings which have (at least so far) afforded him parliamentary majorities.
            
All three presidents have managed to fashion good working relationships with their armed forces, still an important factor of power in this part of Latin America. In each case, they have used their electoral prowess to push through changes at senior levels to garner support in the barracks.
            
Opinion-polls suggest support for Humala has risen strongly since his election in 2011; admiration for his young and attractive wife, Nadine, who has displayed some consummate political skills since becoming the first lady, makes her a political factor. It is too soon to say what will happen when the president’s term ends in 2016. Humala has said he will not stand, and he lacks the parliamentary strength to change the constitution to be able to do so; but there are many who argue that he will seek to perpetuate his power by supporting the candidacy of his wife. This would be to emulate the Argentine model, whereby Néstor Kirchner was replaced as president by his wife, Cristina.
             
The future of mining and extractive industries more generally in Peru has become a major source of political discord, of which the Congas dispute is but the latest of a series of bitter confrontations. The Congas project involves the expansion of activities by Yanacocha, Latin America’s largest gold producer. It is formed by a consortium of Newmont Mining (of the United States), Buenaventura (a large Peruvian miner) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC), part of the World Bank. There has been a history of conflict between Yanacocha and local community groups and farmers stretching back over most of the past decade. The latter claim their livelihoods will be irretrievable damaged by the project.
            
Environmental impacts have been a major source of conflict between mining companies and communities throughout the Peruvian highlands. Several important projects have been halted owing to local pressure, including Yanacocha’s Cerro Quilish scheme near Cajamarca city. Peru has seen an unprecedented expansion in mining and hydrocarbons projects in recent years, attracting more investment than most other Andean countries. Often these investments take place in remote areas where the state is virtually absent and where no other legitimate entities are on hand to mediate disputes.
             
The president previously sided with local communities against extractive industries. But Humala has found himself under huge pressure from pro-mining lobby groups and other interested parties to shift his ground. Since his election victory, he has publically acknowledged the need to continue to support mining investments but argued that the resources generated thereby should be used to improve the living conditions of the poorest, including those living in the areas surrounding mining camps. In December 2011, he dismissed many of the more leftwing voices in his cabinet.
            
However, traditionally, the Peruvian state has proved unable to respond effectively to such social needs, lacking the administrative machinery to achieve its ends. While social spending has increased in recent years, the conditions of poverty in Peru’s interior have not improved substantially. Considerable doubt thus remains as to whether Humala will succeed where his predecessors failed.

John Crabtree. The new Andean politics: Bolivia. Peru, Ecuador. openDemocracy, 25 March 2012. Internet:<www.opendemocracy.net/john-crabtree/new-andean-politics-bolivia-peru-ecuador>. Retrieved on 18/9/2013. John Crabtree is a research associate at the Latin American Centre, St. Anthony's College, Oxford University.

RESUMO EM INGLÊS:
Peru, Bolivia and, most recently, Ecuador have faced protests by indigenous populations against policies and projects, such as mining facilities, that may endanger their communities or environments.
           
All three countries, however, have governments which were elected with the support of indigenous groups and have sought to promote their rights. These governments are part of an abandonment, in Latin America, of neo-liberal policies in favor of left-wing ones.
           
In Peru, president Humala faces tradititionally inept political elites which have been weakened by Alberto Fujimori’s ten-year government. In all three countries the government holds a parliament majority, even if, in Peru’s case, dependant on a coalition. This, and the good relationship sustained with the armed forces, has allowed these governments to reshape their countries’ political scene.
            
Mr. Humala’s support has risen steadily since his election, bolstered by his wife Nadine’s popularity. Extractive industries, however, have become the source of controversy in Peru. Even though invesment in industries such as mining is high, conflict between local communities and economic groups over environmental issues has been frequent. While Humala previeously sided with local communities, he now defends mining projects, advocating the use of the corresponding revenue to combat Peru’s long-neglected social ills.

4 - COMPOSITION:
Weigh up the potential benefits and drawbacks of Peru opening up and developing its Amazon region.
[Length: 400-450 words]
[value: 50 marks]
          
Peru's government, like those in other emerging economies, sees development of minerals and timber as the fastest way to lift the country out of poverty, particularly in the country's largely untouched Amazon region. In Peru, land ownership is private, but the government has full rights to the resources below ground — such as minerals, oil, and gas — and above it — such as water, fish, and timber. In 2007, President Garcia infamously dismissed what he called "the law of the dog in the manger, which says, 'If I do not do it, then let no one do it.'" Without the state to give out concessions, Garcia wrote, the land would remain undeveloped, with "unused resources that cannot be traded, that do not receive investment, and do not create jobs."
           
But indigenous groups and communities in the Amazon fear the government is engaged in a large-scale giveaway of their land to industry at the expense of their cultural heritage. "For the indigenous people, the land is sacred, but in [Western culture] the land is simply a resource," said Roger Rumrill, an expert on the Amazon's indigenous communities. The government recently created new concessions that would open up 70 percent of the Amazon to oil and gas exploration, though many of these concessions haven't been given out yet.

Toni Johnson. Peru’s mineral wealth and woes,
Council on Foreign Relations, 10th February 2010.
Internet: <www.cfr.org/peru/perus-mineral-wealth-woes/p21408#p4>. Retrieved on 19/9/2013.

➽ REDAÇÃO EM INGLÊS:            
Sustainable development is one of the most popular, perhaps even overused catchphrases of current environmental, political and diplomatic jargon. Social, economic and environmental balance, pursued with respect for the needs of future generations: behind this deceivingly simple definition lie lie the complex, and often divisive, realities faced by developing countries in their quest for social well-being. Peru exemplifies many of the dilemmas faced by such societies, especially in relation to its large Amazonian portion. This largely untouched region stands in the crossfire between indigenous, business, governmental and social interests, and the community as a whole must ponder very carefully its next steps, so as to not sacrifice or overindulge any of the groups involved.
           
Within this intricate wevb of interests, one of the most vocal contenders is the faction advocating uncompromising economic use of the rainforest’s resources. Ex-president Alan García, part of the ruling coalition and most Peruvian business leaders advocate immediate exploration of the region’s vast mineral wealth. The argument sustained is quite straightforward: in a country riddled with poverty and inequality, to leave a potential source of jobs, investment, government revenue and overall prosperity untouched is an unaffordable luxury. Principles of equality and welfare are downright useless if there is no wealth to distribute in the first place. This is a clear and forceful argument, that holds no small amount of truth.
           
Opponents of this view, however, are no less articulate and well-reasoned. Under Peruvian law, indigenous peoples have rights protecting their traditional lands, rights which cannot be set aside for the sake of economic convenience. To the indigenous point of view, environmentalists add the long-term interests of society, which will suffer if the ecological balance in the country is compromised. Another little-explored angle is the economic value of the forest itself, not as a logging camp but as a living, breathing source of biotechnological assets and touristic wealth. While the economic boost provided by simple extraction of resources is non-renewable and may be overshadowed by a future economic downturn resulting from environmental damage, research and development in medicine or nutrition, for example, make for sustainable economic practices of higher aggeegate value than the sale
of primary resources.
           
Thus, one must recognize the imperative ofeconomic growth, but simultaneously realize that Peru’s options in this pursuit are not limited to ransacking its Amazon region. Furthermore, short-term mining gains, if obtained in a limited, lawful and responsible manner, can be reconciled with long-term investments in education and the development of cutting-edge biotechnological industries. It is up to Peru’s society to debate, negotiate and compromise, so it can pursue the path of truly sustainable development.