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❑ PROVA DE LÍNGUA INGLESA:
- CONCURSO DE ADMISSÃO À CARREIRA DE DIPLOMATA-TPS-2010-CESPE/UnB-APLICAÇÃO 24/01/2010.
❑ ESTRUTURA-TPS-TESTE DE PRÉ-SELEÇÃO:
- 06 TFQs (True False Questions) / 4 Options Each Question.
- 03 MCQs (Multiple Choice Questions) / 5 Options Each Question.
- Texto (1) – | Oriana, the agitator |
- Texto (2) – | Amartya Sen |
- Texto (3) – | South Africa’s Rebel Whites |
❑ TEXTO 1:
➧ GABARITO:
01-A, 02-C, 03-ECCC, 04-EECE, 05-A
06-D, 07-EECE, 08-EEEE, 09-CCEC
10-E, 11-D, 12-CCEC
➧
From the previous text, it can be inferred that Oriana Fallaci
A) seemed at times defenceless, vulnerable, and child-like.
B) had just quit smoking cigarettes.
C) tried deliberately to use the music-like quality of her mother
tongue to lure her interviewers.
D) grew tired of the Vietnam War.
E) had become a close friend of the Italian Ambassador in Hanoi at the time of the war.
B) had just quit smoking cigarettes.
C) tried deliberately to use the music-like quality of her mother
tongue to lure her interviewers.
D) grew tired of the Vietnam War.
E) had become a close friend of the Italian Ambassador in Hanoi at the time of the war.
02. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
“lured him into boasting that Americans admired him” (L.38-39),
the words “lured” and “boasting” mean, respectively,
A) pressed and stating.
B) tempted and denying.
C) enticed and bragging.
D) challenged and acknowledging.
E) coerced and showing off.
03. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
(1) The highly professional sense of Fallaci as a journalist in search of truth made her avoid any sort of tricks in approaching her interviewees, both powerful figures and common people.
(2) Fallaci had either been a heavy smoker or had smoked for a long time.
(3) Fallaci exploited Kissinger’s somewhat big ego to trick him into making some public statements he would later regret.
(4) Kissinger seems to suggest that Fallaci was not entirely professionally ethical or honest when dealing with the interview he had granted her.
👍 Gabarito ECCC
04. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
(1) Although fascinated by power, Fallaci was more lenient with democratically elected politicians.
(2) Fallaci, in her interview with Kissinger, praised
President Nixon to constraint Kissinger.
(3) Kissinger believed he rightfully belonged to the very select group of world politicians Fallaci had already interviewed.
(4) One of the basic criteria Fallaci adopted to handpick her interviewees was gender-based: half of them had to be necessarily women politicians.
👍 Gabarito EECE
➧ TEXT II: This text refers to questions 05 to 08.
Amartya Sen
Freedom, in the eyes of Amartya Sen, the famous Indian economist and philosopher, does not consist merely of being left to our own devices. It also requires that people have the necessary resources to lead lives that they themselves consider to be good ones. The focus on the individual has led some critics to accuse Sen of “methodological individualism” — not a compliment. Communitarian opponents, in particular, think that he pays insufficient regard to the broader social group. In response, he — usually an unfailingly courteous writer — becomes a bit cross, pointing out that “people who think, choose and act” are simply “a manifest reality in the world”. Of course communities influence people, “but ultimately it is individual valuation on which we have to draw, while recognising the profound interdependence of the valuations of people who interact with each other”.
Nor is Sen easily caricatured as an egalitarian: “capabilities”, for example, do not have to be entirely equal. He is a pluralist, and recognises that even capabilities cannot always trump other values. Liberty has priority, Sen insists, but not in an absurdly purist fashion that would dictate “treating the slightest gain of liberty — no matter how small — as enough reason to make huge sacrifices in other amenities of a good life — no matter how large”.
Throughout, Sen remains true to his Indian roots. One of the joys of his recently published book entitled The Idea of Justice is the rich use of Indian classical thought — the debate between 3rd-century emperor Ashoka, a liberal optimist, and Kautilya, a downbeat institutionalist, is much more enlightening than, say, a tired contrast between Hobbes and Hume.
Despite these diverting stories, the volume cannot be said to fall into the category of a “beach read”: subtitles such as “The Plurality of Non-Rejectability” provide plenty of warning. But for those who like their summer dinner tables to be filled with intelligent, dissenting discourse, the book is worth the weight. There is plenty here to argue with. Sen wouldn’t have it any other way.
Internet:<http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk>
(adapted).
(adapted).
Based on the text above, it can be said that the relationship established between the ideas of “unfailingly courteous” (L.9) and “cross” (L.10) is one of
(A) contrast.
(B) reiteration.
(C) inclusion.
(D) result.
(E) addition.
06. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
In the fragment,
“even capabilities cannot always trump other values” (R.18-19),
the verb “trump” means
(A) to be bracketed with.
(B) to foster.
(C) to vie against.
(D) to prevail over.
(E) to hold on to.
(B) to foster.
(C) to vie against.
(D) to prevail over.
(E) to hold on to.
07. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
(1) South-east Asian classical economics rather than European philosophy laid the main theoretical and practical foundation for Sen’s theses.
(2) Communitarian opponents make up the largest and most vocal group of Sen’s critics.
(3) Sen’s work, although focused on the individual and on the idea of liberty, does not lose sight of the inherent dynamics of the different communities.
(4) Sen dismisses out of hand the ideas advanced by English philosophers of the XVII and XVIII centuries.
08. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
(1) Communitarians’ major objection against Sen is based on his vigorous defence of unmitigated individualism.
(2) Sen finds the theses put forward by Ashoka and Kautilya to be more ground-breaking and insightful than those proposed by some major Western philosophers 14 or 15 centuries later.
(3) Even Sen’s followers resent the sheer lack of purism in his championing of freedom.
(4) Despite having a usually gentle disposition, Sen often flies into a nasty temper whenever any of his ideas are challenged.
➧ TEXT III: This text refers to questions 09 to 12.
“For heaven’s sake,” my father said, seeing me off at the airport, “don’t get drunk, don’t get pregnant — and don’t get involved in politics.” He was right to be concerned. Rhodes University in the late 1970s, with its Sir Herbert Baker-designed campus and lush green lawns, looked prosperous and sedate. But the Sunday newspapers had been full of the escapades of its notorious drinking clubs and loose morals; the Eastern Cape was, after the riots of 1976, a place of turmoil and desperate poverty; and the campus was thought by most conservative parents to be a hotbed of political activity.
The Nationalist policy of forced removals meant thousands of black people had been moved from the cities into the nearby black “homelands” of Transkei and Ciskei, and dumped there with only a standpipe and a couple of huts for company; two out of three children died of malnutrition before the age of three. I arrived in 1977, the year after the Soweto riots, to study journalism. Months later, Steve Biko was murdered in custody. The campus tipped over into turmoil. There were demonstrations and hunger strikes.
For most of us, Rhodes was a revelation. We had been brought up to respect authority. Here, we could forge a whole new identity, personally and politically. Out of that class of 1979 came two women whose identities merge with the painful birth of the new South Africa: two journalism students whose journey was to take them through defiance, imprisonment and torture during the apartheid years.
One of the quietest girls in the class, Marion Sparg, joined the ANC’s military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), and was eventually convicted of bombing two police stations. An Asian journalist, Zubeida Jaffer, was imprisoned and tortured, yet ultimately chose not to prosecute her torturers.
Today you can trace the footprints of my classmates across the opposition press in South Africa and the liberal press in the UK — The Guardian, the Observer and the Financial Times. Even the Spectator (that’s me). Because journalism was not a course offered at “black” universities, we had a scattering of black students. It was the first time many of us would ever have met anyone who was black and not a servant. I went to hear Pik Botha, the foreign minister, a Hitlerian figure with a narrow moustache, an imposing bulk and a posse of security men. His reception was suitably stormy, even mocking — students flapping their arms and saying, “Pik-pik-pik-P-I-I-I-K!’, like chattering hens.
But students who asked questions had to identify themselves first. There were spies in every class. We never worked out who they were, although some of us suspected the friendly Afrikaans guy with the shark’s tooth necklace.
Janice Warman. South Africa’s Rebel Whites.
In: The Guardian Weekly, 20/11/2009 (adapted).
Based on the text, judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — the items below.
(1) Of the three journalism students mentioned in the text, it can be said that the most self-effacing and reserved of them all turned out to be the one to deliver a most violent blow against the apartheid security apparatus.
(2) The university the author attended can be described as a place where neither the teaching staff nor school officials exacted blind obedience from students.
(3) The author clearly underscores the striking resemblance the Nationalist Party of South Africa bears to its Nazi counterpart.
(4) Students decided to burlesque Botha’s performance as an ineffectual and chicken-hearted foreign minister by doing a ludicrous and crude imitation of a bird.
(2) The university the author attended can be described as a place where neither the teaching staff nor school officials exacted blind obedience from students.
(3) The author clearly underscores the striking resemblance the Nationalist Party of South Africa bears to its Nazi counterpart.
(4) Students decided to burlesque Botha’s performance as an ineffectual and chicken-hearted foreign minister by doing a ludicrous and crude imitation of a bird.
10. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
(A) an overprotective and controlling individual who wanted to be an integral part in all aspects of his daughter’s life.
(B) prudish parent who persistently demanded that his daughter be or appear to be very prim, proper, modest and righteous at all times.
(C) a paranoid father who refused to let go, and clamped her down with hard and fast rules and strict discipline.
(D) a doting father whose motto could very well be “Spare the rod, spoil the child”.
(E) a caring parent who was well-aware of the peculiar atmosphere that pervaded college campuses in the late ‘70s: permissive, in a state of constant political unrest, and overindulgent in terms of drinking.
(B) prudish parent who persistently demanded that his daughter be or appear to be very prim, proper, modest and righteous at all times.
(C) a paranoid father who refused to let go, and clamped her down with hard and fast rules and strict discipline.
(D) a doting father whose motto could very well be “Spare the rod, spoil the child”.
(E) a caring parent who was well-aware of the peculiar atmosphere that pervaded college campuses in the late ‘70s: permissive, in a state of constant political unrest, and overindulgent in terms of drinking.
11. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
The overall view the author outlines of late ‘70s South Africa is
(A) unduly optimistic, coloured by the typically unattainable idealism of young people.
(B) predictably hopelessly distorted by the author’s white middle-class background and petit bourgeois values.
(C) inherently flawed and, therefore, pointless for it fails to place the country in a broader regional, African, or world context.
(D) basically descriptive and provides information about a politically, socially, and racially unequal and unfair society poised on the verge of momentous changes.
(E) oddly detached and unemotional due, perhaps, to the fact that she can only sympathize with the oppressed black population’s plight up to a point.
(B) predictably hopelessly distorted by the author’s white middle-class background and petit bourgeois values.
(C) inherently flawed and, therefore, pointless for it fails to place the country in a broader regional, African, or world context.
(D) basically descriptive and provides information about a politically, socially, and racially unequal and unfair society poised on the verge of momentous changes.
(E) oddly detached and unemotional due, perhaps, to the fact that she can only sympathize with the oppressed black population’s plight up to a point.
12. (CESPE-CEBRASPE-2010-MRE-DIPLOMATA-1ª FASE)
(1) “hotbed” (L.10) is synonymous with breeding ground.
(2) “tipped over” (L.19) can be replaced by was plunged.
(3) “scattering” (L.38) can be paraphrased as an unruly mob.
(4) “posse” (L.42) and entourage are interchangeable.
(2) “tipped over” (L.19) can be replaced by was plunged.
(3) “scattering” (L.38) can be paraphrased as an unruly mob.
(4) “posse” (L.42) and entourage are interchangeable.
