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➧ PROVA DE LÍNGUA INGLESA: CESPE/UnB-2013-DIPLOMATA-CACD-WRITING EXAMINATION.
➧ BANCA/ORGANIZADOR:http://www.cespe.unb.br/
➧ ESTRUTURA-WRITING EXAMINATION-2013:
➭ TRANSLATION (English/Portuguese) – 20 points.
- Text (2 parágrafos) – It’s a jungle out there. || www.spectator.co.uk.
➭ VERSION (Portuguese/English) – 15 points.
- Text (1 parágrafo) – Resenha de Política Exterior do Brasil.
➭ SUMMARY – 15 points.
-Text (10 parágrafos) – The new Andean politics: Bolivia. Peru, Ecuador. || John Crabtree.
➭ COMPOSITION – [Length: 400 to 450 words] – 50 points.
- Assunto (geral) – Text || Peru’s mineral wealth and woes.
- Tema (específico) – Pese os potenciais benefícios e desvantagens do Peru abrindo e desenvolvendo sua região amazônica.
➧ PROVA:
Iquitos, once a boom town, lies more than 2,000 miles from the mouth of the Amazon, yet here the river is still more than half a mile wide. You are deep in the steaming jungle. On both banks, rainforest comes tipping down to the water in a rough and tumble of vegetation sporting a million shades of green. Piranhas teem in the shallows while alligators idle on the banks. Birds of iridescent colours cackle and croak, whistle and squawk. Three-toed sloths lounge leisurely in the branches and monkeys career headlong through the treetops.
Into the midst of all this unbridled wildness there looms a floating incongruity in the discordant guise of a new three-storey luxury cruise boat. Aria, a 150-foot long glasshouse, is plying the waters around Iquitos at a point on the Amazon where Brazilian and Peruvian naval bases flaunt the armed flotillas farthest inland anywhere in the world. Luxury here spells everything the jungle is not: air conditioned, bug-, mud- and snake-free, comfortable and clean.
Internet: <www.spectator.co.uk/
supplements/the-spectator-guide-tocruises/
7238013/its-a-jungle-out-there/>
Retrieved on 13/9/2013.
Translate into Portuguese the excerpt adapted from Peter Hughes’ article "It’s a jungle out there", published in The Spectator on 17th September 2011.
[value: 20 marks]
👉 Resposta (Inglês→português) :
Iquitos, no passado uma cidade em crescimento, situa-se a mais de duas mil milhas de distância da entrada do rio Amazonas. Aqui, o rio tem mais de meia milha de largura. Você está nas profundezas dessa quente e úmida floresta. Em ambas as margens, a floresta tropical curva-se até a água em uma mistura desordenada de vegetação que possui milhões de gradações de verde. Piranhas abundam nas águas rasas enquanto jacarés descansam nas margens. Pássaros de cores brilhantes e chamativas fazem todos os tipos de barulhos e cantos. Preguiças de três dedos descansam agradavelmente nos galhos, e macacos deslocam-se rapidamente pelo topo das árvores.No meio dessa natureza sem limites, aparece uma incongruência flutuante no
formato discordante de um novo navio de luxo de três andares. Aria, uma casa de vidro com 150 pés de comprimento, está navegando nas águas ao redor de Iquitos, em um local do Amazonas em que bases navais brasileiras e peruanas exibem grupos de navios armados que estão mais no interior do continente do que em qualquer outro lugar do mundo. O luxo, aqui, é tudo que a floresta não é: com ar condicionado, livre de insetos, lama e cobras, confortável e limpa.
Translate into English the excerpt above adapted from a speech delivered by the Brazilian Minister of State for External Relations, Ambassador Luís Felipe Lampreia, in Brasília on February 16th, 1996.
Os países da América se unem hoje com um sentimento comum de satisfação para comemorar o
primeiro aniversário da Declaração de Paz do Itamaraty, de 17 de fevereiro de 1995, que restabeleceu a confiança e a amizade entre dois povos irmãos.
Esse é o caminho: o diálogo, nunca a confrontação; a razão, jamais a força. Serão, por certo, desafiadoras essas negociações. A agenda é densa e os temas se entrelaçam numa teia de condicionantes múltiplos. Acima de tudo, será preciso saber projetar uma visão de futuro, inspirada no interesse de longo prazo dos dois países. Uma visão que enfrente o desafio de buscar formas, mais do que de convivência pacífica, de desenvolvimento solidário. Esse processo, de dimensão histórica, deverá proporcionar que as Partes se sintam estimuladas a assumir, de forma gradual e progressiva, as tarefas e responsabilidades de, conjuntamente, assegurarem não tão somente a paz na região como também o desenvolvimento e o
progresso social.
Source: Resenha de Política Exterior do Brasil,
número 78, 1º semestre de 1996, pp 37-38.
Translate into English the excerpt above adapted from a speech delivered by the Brazilian Minister of State for External Relations, Ambassador Luís Felipe Lampreia, in Brasília on February 16th, 1996.
[value: 15 marks]
👉 Resposta (Português→Inglês) :
The countries of America unite today with a common feeling of satisfaction to celebrate the first aniversary of the Peace Declaration of the Itamaraty, signed on the 17th of February 1995, which reestablished trust and friendship between two peoples that are brothers.
This is the path: dialogue, never confrontation; reason, never force. Negotiations will, certainly, be challenging. The agenda is dense and issues interconnect in a web of multiple conditioning factors. Above all, it will be necessary to project a vision of the future, inspired by the long term interests of both countries. A vision that faces the challenge of searching for ways of solidary development, going beyond peaceful coexistence. This process, of historic dimension, must create an environment where the parts feel estimulated to assume, gradually and progressively, the tasks and responsibilities of jointly ensuring not only peace in the region, but also development and social progress.
A 700-kilometre march by indigenous protesters in Ecuador lasted two weeks before reaching the capital Quito on 22 March 2012. It echoes previous marches in both Peru and Bolivia against policies that pose a threat to indigenous communities.
The governments of all three Andean countries face criticism for policies designed to boost investment but that fail adequately to address the concerns of local people, who claim these projects threaten their physical and social environment.
Earlier in 2012, protesters from the northern Cajamarca region in Peru marched on Lima, repudiating plans to build a giant new copper and gold-mining plant at Conga, a project they say will affect water supplies to local communities.
These events are set against a background where, in all three countries, governments elected with the support of indigenous populations have taken steps to enshrine indigenous rights in their respective legal codes.
In Peru, these rights have recently been passed into law. Soon after his inauguration as president in July 2011, Ollanta Humala passed a law making prior consultation a legal obligation. Elected on a leftwing ticket that supported indigenous rights, Humala was obliged to enact a law vetoed by his predecessor, Alan García Perez. In 2009, García had faced down protests in the northern town of Bagua as indigenous groups protested against plans to facilitate hydrocarbons exploration and exploitation in the Amazon jungle. Some thirty people, including police, were killed in the fray.
The governments of Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador reflect aspects of what has been called the "pink wave" in Latin America, a reversion of the free-wheeling neo-liberal policies in vogue up until the early years of the new millennium — albeit to varying degrees. Bolivia and Ecuador belong to the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (Alba), spearheaded by President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela. Both countries have pursued policies highly critical of the United States and its policies towards Latin America. For his part, Peru’s Humala came to power having previously established and led a highly nationalistic party which, in the elections of 2011, made common cause with the parties of the Peruvian left. Since taking office, however, Humala has abandoned much of his earlier leftist rhetoric.
In Peru traditional party elites had failed conspicuously to resolve the country’s chronic economic and political problems, and were largely swept aside under the governments of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000). But Fujimori’s departure from the scene did not lead to the resurgence of partisan organisation. Even the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (Apra), which dates from the 1930s and was once Peru’s largest mass party, remained but a shadow of its former self; in the 2011 elections it won only four seats in the 130-seat unicameral legislature.
All three presidents have had scope, therefore, to refashion their country’s electoral politics since taking power. In Bolivia, despite some defections, the MAS has a clear majority in both houses of the legislature, now known as the "plurinational legislative assembly". With only a modest presence, the opposition parties are effectively powerless to stop legislation.
Rafael Correa’s party, Alianza Pais (AP), has likewise enjoyed a working majority in Ecuador’s national assembly, although it has suffered some damaging defections in recent times. The situation is different in Peru, where Humala’s Gana Peru grouping did not win a majority in the 2011 elections, but has since entered into alliances with centrist and centre-right groupings which have (at least so far) afforded him parliamentary majorities.
All three presidents have managed to fashion good working relationships with their armed forces, still an important factor of power in this part of Latin America. In each case, they have used their electoral prowess to push through changes at senior levels to garner support in the barracks.
Opinion-polls suggest support for Humala has risen strongly since his election in 2011; admiration for his young and attractive wife, Nadine, who has displayed some consummate political skills since becoming the first lady, makes her a political factor. It is too soon to say what will happen when the president’s term ends in 2016. Humala has said he will not stand, and he lacks the parliamentary strength to change the constitution to be able to do so; but there are many who argue that he will seek to perpetuate his power by supporting the candidacy of his wife. This would be to emulate the Argentine model, whereby Néstor Kirchner was replaced as president by his wife, Cristina.
The future of mining and extractive industries more generally in Peru has become a major source of political discord, of which the Congas dispute is but the latest of a series of bitter confrontations. The Congas project involves the expansion of activities by Yanacocha, Latin America’s largest gold producer. It is formed by a consortium of Newmont Mining (of the United States), Buenaventura (a large Peruvian miner) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC), part of the World Bank. There has been a history of conflict between Yanacocha and local community groups and farmers stretching back over most of the past decade. The latter claim their livelihoods will be irretrievable damaged by the project.
Environmental impacts have been a major source of conflict between mining companies and communities throughout the Peruvian highlands. Several important projects have been halted owing to local pressure, including Yanacocha’s Cerro Quilish scheme near Cajamarca city. Peru has seen an unprecedented expansion in mining and hydrocarbons projects in recent years, attracting more investment than most other Andean countries. Often these investments take place in remote areas where the state is virtually absent and where no other legitimate entities are on hand to mediate disputes.
The president previously sided with local communities against extractive industries. But Humala has found himself under huge pressure from pro-mining lobby groups and other interested parties to shift his ground. Since his election victory, he has publically acknowledged the need to continue to support mining investments but argued that the resources generated thereby should be used to improve the living conditions of the poorest, including those living in the areas surrounding mining camps. In December 2011, he dismissed many of the more leftwing voices in his cabinet.
However, traditionally, the Peruvian state has proved unable to respond effectively to such social needs, lacking the administrative machinery to achieve its ends. While social spending has increased in recent years, the conditions of poverty in Peru’s interior have not improved substantially. Considerable doubt thus remains as to whether Humala will succeed where his predecessors failed.
The governments of all three Andean countries face criticism for policies designed to boost investment but that fail adequately to address the concerns of local people, who claim these projects threaten their physical and social environment.
Earlier in 2012, protesters from the northern Cajamarca region in Peru marched on Lima, repudiating plans to build a giant new copper and gold-mining plant at Conga, a project they say will affect water supplies to local communities.
These events are set against a background where, in all three countries, governments elected with the support of indigenous populations have taken steps to enshrine indigenous rights in their respective legal codes.
In Peru, these rights have recently been passed into law. Soon after his inauguration as president in July 2011, Ollanta Humala passed a law making prior consultation a legal obligation. Elected on a leftwing ticket that supported indigenous rights, Humala was obliged to enact a law vetoed by his predecessor, Alan García Perez. In 2009, García had faced down protests in the northern town of Bagua as indigenous groups protested against plans to facilitate hydrocarbons exploration and exploitation in the Amazon jungle. Some thirty people, including police, were killed in the fray.
The governments of Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador reflect aspects of what has been called the "pink wave" in Latin America, a reversion of the free-wheeling neo-liberal policies in vogue up until the early years of the new millennium — albeit to varying degrees. Bolivia and Ecuador belong to the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (Alba), spearheaded by President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela. Both countries have pursued policies highly critical of the United States and its policies towards Latin America. For his part, Peru’s Humala came to power having previously established and led a highly nationalistic party which, in the elections of 2011, made common cause with the parties of the Peruvian left. Since taking office, however, Humala has abandoned much of his earlier leftist rhetoric.
In Peru traditional party elites had failed conspicuously to resolve the country’s chronic economic and political problems, and were largely swept aside under the governments of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000). But Fujimori’s departure from the scene did not lead to the resurgence of partisan organisation. Even the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (Apra), which dates from the 1930s and was once Peru’s largest mass party, remained but a shadow of its former self; in the 2011 elections it won only four seats in the 130-seat unicameral legislature.
All three presidents have had scope, therefore, to refashion their country’s electoral politics since taking power. In Bolivia, despite some defections, the MAS has a clear majority in both houses of the legislature, now known as the "plurinational legislative assembly". With only a modest presence, the opposition parties are effectively powerless to stop legislation.
Rafael Correa’s party, Alianza Pais (AP), has likewise enjoyed a working majority in Ecuador’s national assembly, although it has suffered some damaging defections in recent times. The situation is different in Peru, where Humala’s Gana Peru grouping did not win a majority in the 2011 elections, but has since entered into alliances with centrist and centre-right groupings which have (at least so far) afforded him parliamentary majorities.
All three presidents have managed to fashion good working relationships with their armed forces, still an important factor of power in this part of Latin America. In each case, they have used their electoral prowess to push through changes at senior levels to garner support in the barracks.
Opinion-polls suggest support for Humala has risen strongly since his election in 2011; admiration for his young and attractive wife, Nadine, who has displayed some consummate political skills since becoming the first lady, makes her a political factor. It is too soon to say what will happen when the president’s term ends in 2016. Humala has said he will not stand, and he lacks the parliamentary strength to change the constitution to be able to do so; but there are many who argue that he will seek to perpetuate his power by supporting the candidacy of his wife. This would be to emulate the Argentine model, whereby Néstor Kirchner was replaced as president by his wife, Cristina.
The future of mining and extractive industries more generally in Peru has become a major source of political discord, of which the Congas dispute is but the latest of a series of bitter confrontations. The Congas project involves the expansion of activities by Yanacocha, Latin America’s largest gold producer. It is formed by a consortium of Newmont Mining (of the United States), Buenaventura (a large Peruvian miner) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC), part of the World Bank. There has been a history of conflict between Yanacocha and local community groups and farmers stretching back over most of the past decade. The latter claim their livelihoods will be irretrievable damaged by the project.
Environmental impacts have been a major source of conflict between mining companies and communities throughout the Peruvian highlands. Several important projects have been halted owing to local pressure, including Yanacocha’s Cerro Quilish scheme near Cajamarca city. Peru has seen an unprecedented expansion in mining and hydrocarbons projects in recent years, attracting more investment than most other Andean countries. Often these investments take place in remote areas where the state is virtually absent and where no other legitimate entities are on hand to mediate disputes.
The president previously sided with local communities against extractive industries. But Humala has found himself under huge pressure from pro-mining lobby groups and other interested parties to shift his ground. Since his election victory, he has publically acknowledged the need to continue to support mining investments but argued that the resources generated thereby should be used to improve the living conditions of the poorest, including those living in the areas surrounding mining camps. In December 2011, he dismissed many of the more leftwing voices in his cabinet.
However, traditionally, the Peruvian state has proved unable to respond effectively to such social needs, lacking the administrative machinery to achieve its ends. While social spending has increased in recent years, the conditions of poverty in Peru’s interior have not improved substantially. Considerable doubt thus remains as to whether Humala will succeed where his predecessors failed.
John Crabtree. The new Andean politics: Bolivia. Peru, Ecuador. openDemocracy, 25 March 2012. Internet:
<www.opendemocracy.net/john-crabtree/new-andean-politics-bolivia-peru-ecuador>. Retrieved on 18/9/2013. John Crabtree is a research associate at the Latin American Centre, St. Anthony's College, Oxford University.
Write a summary, in your own words, in no more than 200 words, of the previous excerpt adapted from John Crabtree's 2012 openDemocracy paper The new Andean politics: Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador.
Peru, Bolivia and, most recently, Ecuador have faced protests by indigenous populations against policies and projects, such as mining facilities, that may endanger their communities or environments.
All three countries, however, have governments which were elected with the support of indigenous groups and have sought to promote their rights. These governments are part of an abandonment, in Latin America, of neo-liberal policies in favor of left-wing ones.
In Peru, president Humala faces tradititionally inept political elites which have been weakened by Alberto Fujimori’s ten-year government. In all three countries the government holds a parliament majority, even if, in Peru’s case, dependant on a coalition. This, and the good relationship sustained with the armed forces, has allowed these governments to reshape their countries’ political scene.
Mr. Humala’s support has risen steadily since his election, bolstered by his wife Nadine’s popularity. Extractive industries, however, have become the source of controversy in Peru. Even though invesment in industries such as mining is high, conflict between local communities and economic groups over environmental issues has been frequent. While Humala previeously sided with local communities, he now defends mining projects, advocating the use of the corresponding revenue to combat Peru’s long-neglected social ills.
Peru's government, like those in other emerging economies, sees development of minerals and timber as the fastest way to lift the country out of poverty, particularly in the country's largely untouched Amazon region. In Peru, land ownership is private, but the government has full rights to the resources below ground — such as minerals, oil, and gas — and above it — such as water, fish, and timber. In 2007, President Garcia infamously dismissed what he called "the law of the dog in the manger, which says, 'If I do not do it, then let no one do it.'" Without the state to give out concessions, Garcia wrote, the land would remain undeveloped, with "unused resources that cannot be traded, that do not receive investment, and do not create jobs."
But indigenous groups and communities in the Amazon fear the government is engaged in a large-scale giveaway of their land to industry at the expense of their cultural heritage. "For the indigenous people, the land is sacred, but in [Western culture] the land is simply a resource," said Roger Rumrill, an expert on the Amazon's indigenous communities. The government recently created new concessions that would open up 70 percent of the Amazon to oil and gas exploration, though many of these concessions haven't been given out yet.
Weigh up the potential benefits and drawbacks of Peru opening up and developing its Amazon region.
Toni Johnson. Peru’s mineral wealth and woes,
Council on Foreign Relations, 10th February 2010.
Internet: <www.cfr.org/peru/perus-mineral-wealth-woes/p21408#p4>. Retrieved on 19/9/2013.
[Length: 400-450 words]
👉 Redação em Inglês Exemplo de resposta :
Modelo 01:
Sustainable development is one of the most popular, perhaps even overused catchphrases of current environmental, political and diplomatic jargon. Social, economic and environmental balance, pursued with respect for the needs of future generations: behind this deceivingly simple definition lie lie the complex, and often divisive, realities faced by developing countries in their quest for social well-being. Peru exemplifies many of the dilemmas faced by such societies, especially in relation to its large Amazonian portion. This largely untouched region stands in the crossfire between indigenous, business, governmental and social interests, and the community as a whole must ponder very carefully its next steps, so as to not sacrifice or overindulge any of the groups involved.
Within this intricate wevb of interests, one of the most vocal contenders is the faction advocating uncompromising economic use of the rainforest’s resources. Ex-president Alan García, part of the ruling coalition and most Peruvian business leaders advocate immediate exploration of the region’s vast mineral wealth. The argument sustained is quite straightforward: in a country riddled with poverty and inequality, to leave a potential source of jobs, investment, government revenue and overall prosperity untouched is an unaffordable luxury. Principles of equality and welfare are downright useless if there is no wealth to distribute in the first place. This is a clear and forceful argument, that holds no small amount of truth.
Opponents of this view, however, are no less articulate and well-reasoned. Under Peruvian law, indigenous peoples have rights protecting their traditional lands, rights which cannot be set aside for the sake of economic convenience. To the indigenous point of view, environmentalists add the long-term interests of society, which will suffer if the ecological balance in the country is compromised. Another little-explored angle is the economic value of the forest itself, not as a logging camp but as a living, breathing source of biotechnological assets and touristic wealth. While the economic boost provided by simple extraction of resources is non-renewable and may be overshadowed by a future economic downturn resulting from environmental damage, research and development in medicine or nutrition, for example, make for sustainable economic practices of higher aggeegate value than the sale
of primary resources.
of primary resources.
Thus, one must recognize the imperative ofeconomic growth, but simultaneously realize that Peru’s options in this pursuit are not limited to ransacking its Amazon region. Furthermore, short-term mining gains, if obtained in a limited, lawful and responsible manner, can be reconciled with long-term investments in education and the development of cutting-edge biotechnological industries. It is up to Peru’s society to debate, negotiate and compromise, so it can pursue the path of truly sustainable development.
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