FGV/VESTIBULAR–2014.1–ECONOMIA–1º SEMESTRE–LÍNGUA INGLESA–GABARITO, TEXTOS TRADUZIDOS & AQUISIÇÃO DE VOCABULÁRIO.

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• 15 MCQs (Multiple Choice Question) / 5 Options Each Question.

• Text (1) – | The road to hell | www.economist.com |

PROVA, TRADUÇÃO, GABARITO & MUITO VOCABULÁRIO

❑ TEXTO 1:

• TEXTO 1: Read the article and answer questions numbers 76 through 90.

The road to hell

1

(1)
Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.
(2)
No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.
(3)
All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.
(4)
Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.
(5)
In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee. (6)
Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.
(7)
At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.
(8)
What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.
(9)
That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.
(10)
Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.
(11)
Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

76 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
The core issue discussed in the article is:
(A) Brazilian government should use public funds to build more airports, roads, and railways.
(B) Soya output in Brazil is now larger than that of the United States.
(C) Private ports work much more efficiently than public-owned ones.
(D) Brazil needs a lot of private investment to overcome its infrastructure problems.(
E) Santos and Paranaguá are too far south to handle soya exports.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  D 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

77 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
The metaphor developed in the first paragraph – a journey back in time – is linked to the fact that
(A) both Santos and Paranaguá are ports used more than a century ago to receive the immigrants to Brazil.
(B) most roads in Brazil were built around the middle of the 20th century and little more was done afterwards.
(C) it was only in the 1990s that the Brazilian government began to privatize part of its infrastructure.
(D) inflation was so high in the 1980s that the Brazilian government stopped developing new projects for roads.
(E) there is a major contrast between the farms producing the crops and the outlets used for their export.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  A 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

78 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
Expressions used in the article such as – cumbersome environmental-licensing process (4th paragraph), the hassle of environmental licensing (6th paragraph), all that is missing is the federal government’s permission... but there is no guarantee (5th paragraph) – clearly show a bias pointing at the position of The Economist magazine
(A) against government interference in private initiative.
(B) towards favoring soya exports from the United States.
(C) for the Brazilian government of the 1990s.
(D) in relation to the privatization of some Brazilian airports.
(E) of praise towards the planned auctions of some ports and toll roads.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  A 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

79 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
The second paragraph indicates that the Chinese business Sunrise Group decided to cancel its purchase of soya from Brazil because
(A) it would pay a higher price than it could pay for American soya.
(B) the soya they had bought couldn’t be shipped within the expected time.
(C) the Brazilian product becomes too expensive because it is shipped by road.
(D) it takes so long for the product to get there that most of it is spoiled on the trip.
(E) they wanted it to be shipped from northern, rather than southern ports.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  B 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

80 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
According to the third paragraph,
(A) since the 1980s Brazilian engineers have been leaving the country and few are left for the work needed.
(B) Brazilian GDP is not big enough for all the infrastructure investments needed in the next 20 years.
(C) the value of Brazil’s infrastructure is way below that of countries similar to it in economic importance.
(D) urban development in Brazil has been over its planned budget for many years in a row.
(E) most infrastructure Brazil is outdated because it was built aroin und one century ago.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  C 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

81 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
According to the fourth paragraph,
(A) roads are in such poor conditions that farmers end up spending a lot on lorries.
(B) the price of engineering studies for projects should be lowered so as to help improve infrastructure.
(C) the amount of money that goes into infrastructure in Brazil is far from being well invested.

(D) environmental-licensing is a way to work around the main infrastructure problems.
(E) the main problems in infrastructure will only be solved when new roads are built.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  C 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

82 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
The first word used in the fourth paragraph – moreover – carries an idea of
(A) contrast.
(B) conclusion.
(C) finality.
(D) addition.
(E) time.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  D 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

83 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
The fifth paragraph, as a whole, points out that
(A) in order to be effective, ports should be entirely managed by private initiative.
(B) private investment can be very effective in building and improving a country’s infrastructure.
(C) telecom firms can be managed by private corporations as well as by government-owned enterprises.
(D) oil prospecting is too large and too strategic to be left in the hands of private investment only.
(E) government-owned ports can be leased to private corporations so as to bring the country good profit.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  B 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

84 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
In the sentence fragment from the fifth paragraph – But in the past decade its operator... – the word its refers to
(A) Wilson & Sons.
(B) equipment.
(C) capacity.
(D) customers.
(E) the port in Salvador.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  E 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

85 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
The sixth paragraph states that, in the last ten years, there has been a tendency towards
(A) halting the number of concessions for public ports to be operated privately.
(B) requiring a carefully-controlled environmental licensing process for private projects.
(C) only auctioning infrastructure projects that are environmentally friendly.
(D) allowing mining companies to build railroads as needed for cargo shipment to ports.
(E) granting concessions to the highest bidder, regardless of final project costs.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  A 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

86 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
The seventh paragraph leads the reader to conclude that
(A) the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC) is still being carried out without private capital as originally planned.
(B) roads and railways cannot be efficiently built by public administrations alone unless they are aided by private enterprise administration.
(C) only public money can give farming and mining communities the access they need, within costs they can afford, to ports.
(D) the initial project of President Lula’s administration to do without private investment in infrastructure didn’t work out as planned.
(E) railways are one of the most expensive kinds of infrastructure to build and that is why they are often late and over budget.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  D 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

87 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
As regards Brazilian airports, the text states in the eighth paragraph that
(A) they are quickly being remodeled to receive fans arriving for the World Cup in 2014.
(B) most projects to remodel them are well over budget and won’t be completed in time.
(C) most will be privately-run by the time the football World Cup happens in 2014.
(D) only the important ones will be auctioned by the government before 2014.
(E) they are poorly run by the government-owned company in charge of them.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  E 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

88 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
As regards infrastructure auctioning as mentioned in the ninth paragraph, the current Brazilian President, Dilma Rousseff,
(A) has decided to fight lobbying groups that are against some of it.
(B) is basically following on the footsteps of her predecessor, President Lula.
(C) picked a big fight with Brazilian Congress, in order to privatize roads and railways.
(D) seems to support wishes expressed by the dockworkers’ unions in most of Brazil.
(E) will turn some 150 privately-run ports back to public administration.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  A 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

89 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
The sentence from the tenth paragraph – Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. – illustrates the fact that
(A) the government will not carry out their part in infrastructure projects in time.
(B) investing in port projects can be risky due to unexpected government interference.
(C) projects can take much more time to complete than originally planned.
(D) building private terminals within public-owned ports can be too expensive.
(E) cost and time overruns are more common in public than in private ports.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  B 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

90 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR-2014.1-ECONOMIA-1º SEMESTRE)
In the sentence fragment from the last paragraph – it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns – the use of either ... or indicates an idea of
(A) negation.
(B) similarity.
(C) alternative.
(D) comparison.
(E) opposition.

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  C 
TÓPICO - IDEIA CONTEXTUAL ou INFORMAÇÃO DENTRO DO TEXTO:

FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2–LÍNGUA INGLESA–GABARITO, TEXTOS TRADUZIDOS & AQUISIÇÃO DE VOCABULÁRIO.

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❑  PROVA DE LÍNGUA INGLESA:

•  FGV-Escola de Administração de Empresas de São Paulo-2014.2-VESTIBULAR-2º SEMESTRE-Aplicada em 01/06/2014.

https://vestibular.fgv.br

❑ ESTRUTURA-PROVA:

• 15 MCQs (Multiple Choice Question) / 5 Options Each Question.
• Texto (1) – | Liberals and Islamists | Time |
• Texto (2) – | Airline compensation | The International Herald Tribune |

PROVA, TRADUÇÃO, GABARITO & MUITO VOCABULÁRIO

❑ TEXTO 1:

01-C, 02-D, 03-E, 04-B, 05-A

06-B, 07-A, 08-C, 09-E, 10-D

11-A, 12-E, 13-D, 14-C, 15-B

➧ VOCABULÁRIO: 

1-VERBS:

• [to back = support = apoiar, dar apoio]

• [to choose (choose, chose, chosen) = escolher, optar]

• [to depose (diPôuz)= overthrow (ôvôrFrôu) = destituir, derrubar]

• [to win (win, won, won) = ganhar]

2-PHRASAL VERBS - USES:

• [to fall apart = desmoronar]

• [to set up (1) = instalar, fundar]

• [to set up (2) = planejar, organizar]

• [to set up (3) = causar]

3-PERFECT TENSE - USES:

• [they have continued to support = continuaram a apoiar]

• [they have lost = perderam]

• [Egyptians had once given them = Os egípcios uma vez lhes deram]

• [the party has behaved reasonably = o partido tem se comportado de maneira razoável]

• [The party has avoided imposing = O partido evitou impor]

4-NOUN:

• [Algeria (áuDjíuria)= Argélia]

• [approval (aPrúvôu) = aprovação]

• [attempt = tentativa]

• [commitment (kãMêtch'Méntch) = compromisso]

• [compensation = compensação, recompensa]

• [Egypt (iDjéptch) = Egito]

• [election (êLékxén) = eleição]

• [refusal (rêFíuzôu) = recusa, negação]

• [suspicion (sôsPêxén) = suspeita, desconfiança]

• [support = apoio]

5-ADJECTIVES:

• [arab (Éurâb) = árabe]

• [conservative (kãnSôrvêdêv) = conservador]

• [doomed (Dhû'md) = condenado, sentenciado]

• [easy (Ízi) = fácil]

• [heavy-handed = grosseiro, desastrado]

• [Islamist (êzLãméstch) = Islamista]

• [unopposed (ãnêPôuztch) = sem oposição, não teve oposição]

• [widespread = muito difundido, generalizado]

6-ADVERBS:

• [at the same time = ao mesmo tempo]

• [increasingly = cada vez mais]

• [reasonably (Rízãnôblí) = de maneira razoável]

• [so far = até agora]

7-NOUN PHRASES(Adjective+noun):

• [Algerian military = militares argelinos]

• [Arab world = mundo árabe]

• [civil war = guerra civil]

• [conservative country = país conservador]

• [democratic political victories = vitórias políticas democráticas]

• [democratic opposition = oposição democrática]

• [democratic process = processo democrático]

• [election day = dia da eleição]

• [free elections = eleições livres]

• [liberal parties = partidos liberais]

• [painful decision = decisão dolorosa]

• [widespread support = apoio generalizado]

8-COLLOCATIONS:

• [to face frustration = enfrentar a frustração]

9-TECHNICAL ENGLISH:

• [dictatorship (dêkTêirôxêp) = ditadura]

• [democracy (dêMókrassÍ) = democracia]

• [grassroots support = apoio de base, apoio muito popular, vem de baixo para cima]

10-LINKING WORDS:

• [But even under = Mas mesmo sob]

• [in order to = a fim de, no intuito de]

11-GENITIVE CASE:

• [Algeria’s democracy = Democracia da Argélia]

• [Algeria’s military and liberal elite = Elite militar e liberal da Argélia]

• [Egypt’s liberals = Liberais egípcios]

• [Egypt’s military = Militares egípcios]

• [President Mohamed Morsi’s Islamist government = o governo islâmico do presidente Mohamed Morsi.]

• [the country’s democratic elections = as eleições democráticas do país.]

12-FALSE COGNATES:

(A) support X suportar:

• [support (sôPôrtch) = sustentar, apoiar, corroborar.  NÃO É suportar.]

• [suportar = tolerate(thólôRêitch)]

• TEXTO 1:

Liberals and Islamists

By Shadi Hamid

1

It’s not easy being a liberal in the Arab world; you are doomed to face frustration on election day. In a religiously conservative country like Egypt, it is difficult for liberal parties — which often lack deep local networks and grassroots support — to win in free elections. But even under the increasingly heavyhanded rule of President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood allies, liberals had a chance to work within the system to counterbalance Morsi. Most liberals opted not to meet that challenge and supported the June 2012 dissolution of Egypt’s democratically elected parliament. And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new militarybacked government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”
2
The liberal chorus that supported Morsi’s expulsion argues it is sometimes necessary to put democracy on pause in order to save it. That’s an old story. In Algeria, liberals largely stood by — or actively cheered on — as the military aborted the country’s 1992 elections when Islamists were poised to win, provoking a bloody civil war that would rage for years. Algerian democracy remains paused to this day. Yet, many liberals across the Arab world fear, even hate, Islamists more than they are willing to believe in democracy.
3
In the Egyptian context, the word liberal is often used as a general term for people who don’t like Islamists. It is unclear what liberalism really means in a country like Egypt, where many who would selfidentify as liberal engage in army worship or believe Islamist parties should be banned from even contesting elections in the first place. On the other hand, Islamists have a distinctive worldview — and a project for transforming the individual and society in accordance with Islamic law. Liberals and Islamists have become ever more ideologically divided in the Arab Spring countries.
4
Take the situation in which Tunisia’s Ennahda party finds itself, especially since the recent assassinations of two leftist politicans have threatened to block the democratic transition. The Islamist party has avoided many of the mistakes of its Egyptian counterparts. It has governed in coalition with two secular parties, withdrawn references to Islamic law in the draft constitution, and has done very little that could be considered extremist. Yet Tunisia’s liberals routinely accuse Ennahda of being hidden radicals waiting for the right moment to implement an extremist agenda.
5
Many Egyptian liberals have given way to their fears, leading them to embrace a military hungry for control. The new order has quickly proved more repressive than the Morsi government ever was during its one year in power. The Ministry of Interior has announced the reinstatement of departments to monitor political and religious activism. And Egyptians have just seen what happens when protesters defy the military; security forces shot dead at least 140 Morsi supporters on July 8 and July 27.
6
Just after the coup, ElBaradei declared: “[The army] has no interest in taking a forward role in politics.” Such talk now looks absurd.

Adapted from

Time, August 12, 2013.

31 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

According to the information in the article, Egypt’s liberals, in general,

(A) can win democratic political victories only with the support of Egypt’s military.
(B) have lost most of the widespread support that the great mass of Egyptians had once given them.
(C chose not to set up a democratic opposition to President Mohamed Morsi.
(D) have continued to support Egypt’s democratically elected parliament while, at the same time, being opposed to President Mohamed Morsi.
(E) remained neutral when President Mohamed Morsi was removed from power by Egypt’s military.

32 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

In paragraph 1, when Mohamed ElBaradei says, “It was a painful decision,” he most likely is referring to his

(A) refusal to accept a position in President Mohamed Morsi’s Islamist government.
(B) belief that democracy will never work in Egypt.
(C) offer to support, in the beginning, President Mohamed Morsi’s Islamist government.
(D) approval of the military action that removed President Mohamed Morsi from power.
(E) attempt to justify the massacre of Muslim radicals.

• No 1º parágrafo, quando Mohamed ElBaradei diz: "Foi uma decisão dolorosa", ele provavelmente está se referindo à sua...

(A) refusal to accept a position in President Mohamed Morsi’s Islamist government.

• recusa em aceitar um cargo no governo islâmico do presidente Mohamed Morsi.
(B) belief that democracy will never work in Egypt.

• crença de que a democracia nunca funcionará no Egito.
(C) offer to support, in the beginning, President Mohamed Morsi’s Islamist government.

• oferta de apoiar, no início, o governo islâmico do presidente Mohamed Morsi.
(D) approval of the military action that removed President Mohamed Morsi from power.

• aprovação da ação militar que retirou o presidente Mohamed Morsi do poder.

• Informação (D) de acordo com o trecho:

• "[...] And when the military deposed Morsi on July 3, most backed that move too. “It was a painful decision,” said Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt’s most prominent liberal politician, who has taken the position of acting Vice President in the new military backed government. “It was outside the legal framework, but we had no other choice.”

• E quando os militares depuseram Morsi em 3 de julho, a maioria apoiou esse movimento também. “Foi uma decisão dolorosa”, disse Mohamed ElBaradei, o político liberal mais proeminente do Egito, que assumiu a posição de vice-presidente interino do novo governo apoiado pelos militares. “Estava fora do quadro legal, mas não tínhamos outra escolha.”

(E) attempt to justify the massacre of Muslim radicals.

• tentativa de justificar o massacre de radicais muçulmanos.

33 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

In paragraph 2, “That” in the sentence “That is an old story” most likely refers to

(A) the perennial failure of democracy in Egypt.
(B) military interference in Egyptian politics.
(C) the idea that dictatorships are more efficient than democracies.
(D) refusing to let democratically elected religious figures run a country.
(E) dismantling a democracy in order to preserve it.

34 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

According to the information in the article, which of the following most likely happened in Algeria in 1992?

(A) The Algerian military was unopposed when it annulled the country’s democratic elections.
(B) A serious military intervention in Algerian politics encountered, in general, no liberal opposition.
(C) Algeria’s military and liberal elite conspired to overthrow the country’s democratically elected Islamist government.
(D) A civil war between Islamists and the Algerian military nearly destroyed the country.
(E) Having lost the support of liberals, Islamists, and the Algerian military, Algeria’s democracy fell apart.

35 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

With respect to the situation in Egypt, which of the following is most supported by the information in the article?

(A) In Egyptian terms, even the army may be considered a liberal institution.
(B) Every Egyptian defines liberalism in his or her own way.
(C) Liberals in Egypt are more radically anti-Islamist than they are in other Arab countries.
(D) In Egypt, liberalism is the same as atheism.
(E) Despite many conflicts, Egypt’s liberal politicians are still the most enthusiastic supporters of democracy.

36 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

With respect to Tunisia’s Ennahda party, which of the following is not supported by the information in the article?

(A) The party has shown itself to be more politically skillful than Egypt’s Mohamed Morsi and Muslim Brotherhood.
(B) Two of the party’s important officials were recently murdered.
(C) The party has avoided imposing all of its beliefs on the Tunisian people.
(D) The party has so far demonstrated a commitment to the democratic process.
(E) Though the party has behaved reasonably, Tunisian liberals view it with suspicion.

37 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

Which of the following is most supported by the information in the article?

(A) By opposing democratically elected Islamists, Egypt’s liberals have helped to make the country’s situation in some ways even worse.
(B) The Egyptian military lied to the country’s liberals when it said it had no intention of deposing President Mohamed Morsi.
(C) Although proclaiming their belief in democracy, Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood was a group of secret radicals planning to institute an authoritarian government.
(D) The Egyptian Army is in a crisis, as it is divided between pro-democracy officers and proIslamist officers.
(E) The violent removal of President Mohamed Morsi is proof that Egypt is not ready for democracy.

38 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

According to Mohamed ElBaradei,

(A) the removal of President Mohamed Morsi was the least painful of a number of hard political choices.
(B) though he did not actively support the removal of President Mohamed Morsi, he could not actively oppose it.
(C) he believed that he had to support the army’s removal of President Mohamed Morsi, even though it was an essentially unlawful act.
(D) a military government is preferable to a religious government.
(E) the Egyptian Army´s only desire is to build a stable democracy in Egypt.

• TEXTO 2:

Airline compensation

By Susan Stellin

1

The day I was supposed to fly from London to Newark this spring, British Airways sent an e-mail saying the flight had been canceled. When I called to rebook, the British Airways agent offered a flight two hours earlier, which meant my boyfriend and I had to drop everything and race to Heathrow. The payoff came a month later, when the airline sent a check for $787 (300 euros each), compensation for our inconvenience.
2
Travelers on flights that are canceled or delayed must often accept whatever rebooking an airline offers, even if it means getting stranded at an airport for days. In the United States airlines aren’t required to compensate passengers on delayed or canceled flights, but it’s a different story in Europe. The payment that my boyfriend and I received was required by the European Union’s passenger rights law, EC 261, which obligates airlines to pay for a hotel room and meals if travelers are stranded because of a cancellation or delay.
3
If the problem is the airline’s fault — for instance, our cancellation was due to a malfunctioning plane — the carrier is supposed to compensate passengers up to 600 euros, based on the length of the flight and how long you’re delayed. I was surprised that we qualified since we actually got an earlier flight, but the law covers situations when passengers have little advance notice and have to change their plans.
4
EC 261 applies to any airline departing from the European Union — including American carriers — and European airlines flying to or from Europe. It was adopted in 2005; since then, similar rules have been extended to passengers traveling within Europe by rail, ship or bus.
5
In theory, the law gives travelers greater protection in Europe than in the United States. In practice, airlines on both sides of the Atlantic have resisted paying some of these benefits, and many passengers do not even know these rights exist. The e-mails British Airways sent me didn’t mention compensation, and neither did the agent I spoke with. I knew about the law so I found the information on the airline’s Internet site. But the claims process was easy, and British Airways paid quickly.

6
“You’re lucky you got your money,” said Dale Kidd, a spokesman for the European Commission. “Generally, it depends on the airline, but some are better than others at paying claims.” So which airlines are the worst offenders? “I’d prefer not to do naming and shaming,” Mr. Kidd said. “It depends a lot on the persistence of the victim making the claim.”
7
One reason airlines have resisted this regulation is disagreement over who should be responsible for stranded travelers when major disruptions occur — like the volcanic ash cloud that caused more than 100,000 flight cancellations in Europe in 2010. “The ash cloud went on for eight or nine days, so it’s probably unreasonable to expect a carrier to put you up at the Hilton for that length of time,” Mr. Kidd conceded. Indeed, the airline industry says carriers lost nearly $2 billion because of the cloud, including expenses for hotel bills, although some airlines refused to pay these claims.

Adapted from

The International Herald Tribune,

August 31 – September 1, 2013.

39 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

According to the information in the article, what happened to the author on the day she was going to fly from London to Newark, New Jersey?

(A) Because British Airways cancelled her flight, she had to take a later, more expensive flight on that day. 
(B) British Airways offered her a monetary incentive to take an earlier flight.
(C) She had to cancel her flight because British Airways had misinformed her about the departure time.
(D) Because of a scheduling mistake, she had to reserve a flight at an earlier departure time on the following day.
(E) She was involved in a flight-scheduling problem, which led to her receiving a monetary compensation from British Airways.

40 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

In paragraph 2, the phrase “…it’s a different story in Europe” 

most likely refers to which of the following?

(A) Airline passengers encounter fewer travel problems in Europe than they do in the United States.
(B) In Europe, travelers whose flights are cancelled may opt to take a different flight on another airline.
(C) Airlines in Europe cancel or delay fewer flights than do airlines in the United States.
(D) In Europe, a law says that an airline cannot cancel or delay a flight and then simply forget about the passengers.
(E) Because they must operate in a strongly regulated market, airlines in Europe are less profitable than are airlines in the United States.

41 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

According to the information in the article, the author received compensation under European Union law EC 261 because British Airways had

(A) made her rearrange her travel plans in a hurry.
(B) failed to inform her correctly of the flight cancellation.
(C) arbitrarily assigned her to a less-expensive seat on a different flight.
(D) refused to pay for her hotel room and meals.
(E) canceled her flight without offering her an alternative flight.

42 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

According to the information in the article, a traveler’s rights would most likely not come under European Union protection in which of the following circumstances?

(A) A bus going from France to Germany
(B) A German airliner flying from Berlin to Mexico City
(C) An American airliner flying from any city in the European Union to the United States
(D) A passenger train going from one Italian destination to another
(E) A passenger ship sailing from any European Union port to the United States

43 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

Which of the following statements is most supported by the information in the article?

(A) The European Union currently has no way to make U.S. airlines comply with EC 261.
(B) Some U.S. airlines have deliberately misinformed passengers about rights protected by EC 261.
(C) Among European airlines, British Airways is the most cooperative in compensating passengers, as stipulated in EC 261.
(D) Neither British Airways nor its agent made any attempt to inform the author of her rights as stipulated in EC 261.
(E) The author only discovered the existence of EC 261 because she checked the British Airways Internet site.

44 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

In paragraph 6, when Dale Kidd says “I’d prefer not to do naming and shaming,” he most likely means that

(A) European Commission regulations forbid him to divulge the names of airlines under investigation.
(B) he has no evidence to prove that certain airlines have disrespected EC 261.
(C) he doesn’t want to embarrass publicly any specific airline.
(D) the European Commission’s policy is to negotiate with airlines rather than prosecute them.
(E) it’s the responsibility of passengers to make sure they receive compensation when an airline disrespects EC 261.

45 – (FGV/VESTIBULAR–EAESP–2014.2)

According to the information in the article, the situation created by the volcanic ash cloud

(A) nearly bankrupted a number of European airlines.
(B) showed why airlines are challenging one controversial aspect of EC 261.
(C) caused a record number of airline flights to be cancelled.
(D) forced airlines in Europe pay nearly $2 billion in order to provide hotel rooms for stranded passengers.
(E) made the European Commission decide to change certain controversial aspects of EC 261.