PUC/Rio – 2017 – RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS – LÍNGUA INGLESA – PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO – PROVA COM GABARITO.

❑ PROVA DE LÍNGUA INGLESA: PUC-RIO-2017-RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS-VESTIBULAR DE INVERNO-14/10/2016.

https://www.puc-rio.br/vestibular/

❑ ESTRUTURA-PROVA:

➭ 20 Multiple Choice Questions / 5 Options Each Question.

➭ Text – | The politics of anger | The triumph of the Brexit campaign is a warning to the liberal international order | The Economist |

❑ GABARITO:

01-E,  02-D,  03-E,  04-B,  05-C

06-D,  07-A,  08-E,  09-B,  10-A

11-B,  12-D,  13-E,  14-A,  15-B

16-C,  17-B,  18-D,  19-D,  20-C

❑ TEXT:

The politics of anger

The triumph of the Brexit campaign is a warning to the liberal international order

Many Brexiteers built their campaign on optimism. Outside the European Union, Britain would be free to open up to the world. But what secured their victory was anger.

Anger stirred up a winning turnout in the depressed, down-at-heel cities of England. Anger at immigration, globalisation, social liberalism and even feminism, polling shows, translated into a vote to reject the EU. As if victory were a licence to spread hatred, anger has since lashed Britain's streets with an outburst of racist abuse.

Across Western democracies, from the America of Donald Trump to the France of Marine Le Pen, large numbers of people are enraged. If they cannot find a voice within the mainstream, they will make themselves heard from without. Unless they believe that the global order works to their benefit, Brexit risks becoming just the start of an unravelling of globalisation and the prosperity it has created.

The rest of history

Today's crisis in liberalism - in the free-market, British sense - was born in 1989, out of the ashes of the Soviet Union. At the time the thinker Francis Fukuyama declared "the end of history", the moment when no ideology was left to challenge democracy, markets and global co-operation as a way of organising society. It was liberalism's greatest triumph, but it also engendered a narrow, technocratic politics obsessed by process. In the ensuing quarter-century the majority has prospered, but plenty of voters feel as if they have been left behind.

Their anger is justified. Proponents of globalisation, including this newspaper, must acknowledge that technocrats have made mistakes and ordinary people paid the price. The move to a flawed European currency, a technocratic scheme par excellence, led to stagnation and unemployment and is driving Europe apart. Elaborate financial instruments bamboozled regulators, crashed the world economy and ended up with taxpayer-funded bail-outs of banks, and later on, budget cuts.

Even when globalisation has been hugely beneficial, policymakers have not done enough to help the losers. Trade with China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and brought immense gains for Western ‘consumers. But many factory workers who have lost their jobs have been unable to find a decently paid replacement.

Rather than spread the benefits of globalisation, politicians have focused elsewhere. The left moved on to arguments about culture - race, greenery, human rights and sexual politics. The right preached meritocratic self-advancement, but failed to win everyone the chance to partake in it. Proud industrial communities that look to family and nation suffered alienation and decay. Mendacious campaigning mirrored by partisan media amplified the sense of betrayal.

Less obviously, the intellectual underpinnings of liberalism have been neglected. When Mr. Trump called for protectionism this week, urging Americans to “take back control”, he was both parroting the Brexiteers and exploiting how almost no politician has been willing to make the full-throated case for trade liberalisation as a boost to prosperity rather than a cost or a concession. Liberalism depends on a belief in progress but, for many voters, progress is what happens to other people. While American GDP per person grew by 14% in 2001-15, median wages grew by only 2%. Liberals believe in the benefits of pooling sovereignty for the common good. But, as Brexit shows, when people feel they do not control their lives or share in the fruits of globalisation, they strike out. The distant, baffling, overbearing EU makes an irresistible target.

Back to the future

Now that history has stormed back with a vengeance, liberalism needs to fight its ground all over again. Part of the task is to find the language to make a principled, enlightened case and to take on people like Ms. Le Pen and Mr. Trump. The flow of goods, ideas, capital and people is essential for prosperity. The power of a hectoring, bullying, discriminatory state is a threat to human happiness. The virtues of tolerance and compromise are conditions for people to realise their full potential.

Just as important is the need for policies to ensure the diffusion of prosperity. The argument for helping those mired in deprivation is strong. But a culture of compensation turns angry people into resentful objects of state charity. Hence, liberals also need to restore social mobility and ensure that economic growth translates into rising wages. That means a relentless focus on dismantling privilege by battling special interests, ex-posing incumbent companies to competition and breaking down restrictive practices. Most of all, the West needs an education system that works for everyone, of whatever social background and whatever age.

Just as global trade rules allow countries to counter surges of goods, so there is a case for rules to cope with surges in people. But it would be illiberal and self-defeating to give in to the idea that immigration is merely something to tolerate. Sooner than curb numbers, governments should first invest in schools, hospitals and housing. In Britain new migrants from the EU contribute more to the exchequer than they take out. Without them, industries such as care homes and the building trade would be short of labour. Without their ideas and their energy, Britain would be much the poorer.

Liberalism has been challenged before. At the end of the 19th century, liberals embraced a broader role for the state, realising that political and economic freedoms are diminished if basic human needs are unmet. In the 1970s liberals concluded that the embrace of the state had become smothering and oppressive. That rekindled an interest in markets.

When Margaret Thatcher was prime minister, amid the triumph of Soviet collapse, an aide slipped Mr. Fukuyama’s essay on history into her papers. The next morning, she declared herself unimpressed. Never take history for granted, she said. Never let up. For liberals today that must be the rallying cry.

Adapted from

The Economist – July 2nd 2016

01 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

Based on the opening lines of the text

"Many Brexiteers built their campaign on optimism. Outside the European Union, Britain would be free to open up to the world. But what secured their victory was anger"(lines 1-4),

one can infer that

(A) Britain's economic development depends on the European Union.
(B) Britain's economic development has been obstructed by the Brexit campaign.
(C) Brexiteers' optimism was responsible for their victory in the referendum.
(D) the discourse of Brexit campaign represented the feelings of the whole nation.
(E) there was no harmony between the discourse of many Brexiteers and what motivated the vote of great part of the population.

02 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The fragment

"If they cannot find a voice within the mainstream, they will make themselves heard from without."(lines 15-16)

means that, in case enraged people cannot find representation within the mainstream, they

(A) are doomed to fail.
(B) will not find support at all.
(C) are likely to be disappointed.
(D) will have to find resonance elsewhere.
(E) will have to look for other internal solutions.

03 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

Francis Fukuyama is mentioned in Paragraph 4 (lines 21-31) because he

(A) compared the crisis in liberalism to the crisis of the British free-market.
(B) believed that 1989 would soon become a landmark for the supporters of liberalism.
(C) anticipated today's crisis in liberalism immediately after the fall of the Soviet Union.
(D) disagreed with the idea that democracy, markets and global co-operation were viable options for the modern society.
(E) envisaged the fall of the Soviet Union as a momentous event, after which no other ideology would be likely to threaten democracy.

04 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The fragment

"It was liberalism's greatest triumph, but it also engendered a narrow, technocratic politics obsessed by process"(lines 27-29)

is structured by

(A) chronological sequence.
(B) comparison-contrast.
(C) problem-solution.
(D) description.
(E) listing.

05 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

In the fragments

"The move to a flawed European currency … led to stagnation and unemployment and is driving Europe apart." (lines 35-38)

and

"When Mr. Trump called for protectionism this week" (lines 60-61),

"driving apart" and "called for" mean, respectively

(A) polarizing - refused
(B) uniting - demanded
(C) dividing - requested
(D) breaking up - rejected
(E) integrating - summoned

05 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The fragment

"But many factory workers who have lost their jobs have been unable to find a decently paid replacement." (lines 46-48)

is correctly paraphrased in

(A) many factory employees have been discharged since they did not consider their payment decent.
(B) many factory employees who have been sacked were considered not skilled enough to obtain a proper salary.
(C) many factory employees have been fired since employers have been unable to pay them average salaries.
(D) many dismissed factory workers have not yet found a position in the job market that pays them a satisfactory salary.
(E) many discharged factory workers were replaced by other more decent professionals, with higher salaries.

07 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

Based on the meanings of the words in the article, it can be said that

(A) "unravelling" (line 18) and collapse are synonyms.
(B) "bamboozled" (line 39) and confounded are antonyms.
(C) "lifted" (line 44) can be replaced by downgraded.
(D) "partake" (line 54) and participate express opposite ideas.
(E) "mendacious" (line 56) and truthful express similar ideas.

08 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The option in which the phrase in bold is correctly explained is

(A) down-at-heel cities of England (line 6) - affluent English cities
(B) an outburst of racist abuse (line 11) – an abuse committed by frenzied racists
(C) the ensuing quarter-century (line 29) – the previous twenty-five years
(D) Elaborate financial instruments (lines 38-39) – instruments elaborated by financiers
(E) the intellectual underpinnings of liberalism (lines 59-60) -  the intellectual foundations of liberalism

09 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

In paragraph 7 (lines 49-58), the author blames politicians because they were NOT

(A) qualified for promoting progress in all layers of society.
(B) concentrated on disseminating the advantages of globalisation.
(C) accountable for fraudulent elections and biased media campaigns.
(D) responsible for the decadence of all prosperous industrial communities.
(E) able to grant the population's right to discuss themes such as race, greenery and human rights.

10 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

In the fragment "…almost no politician has been willing to make the full-throated case for trade liberalisation…" (lines 63-65)

the expression "make the full-throated case" means

(A) express a point of view loudly or vigorously.
(B) discuss alternative measures to solve a case.
(C) reveal polemic intentions or expectations.
(D) put into words some obscure plans.
(E) hide a controversial problem.

11 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The author affirms that

"liberalism needs to fight its ground all over again" (lines 78-79).

In order to support this point of view, the author considers

(A) fostering discriminatory and bullying acts.
(B) promoting attitudes of patience and understanding.
(C) cooperating with people like Ms. Le Pen and Mr. Trump.
(D) restraining the circulation of goods, ideas, capital and people.
(E) planning a revenge against principled and enlightened people.

12 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

In terms of pronominal reference,

(A) "it" (line 19) refers to "Brexit" (line 17).
(B) "their" (line 32) refers to "majority" (line 30).
(C) "it" (line 54) refers to "chance" (line 54).
(D) "they" (line 72) refers to "people" (line 72).
(E) "their" (line 86) refers to "conditions" (line 85).

👍 Comentários e Gabarito  D 
TÓPICO - REFERÊNCIA PRONOMIAL :
➦ IT (line 19)➜ globalisation.
"[...] Unless they believe that the global order works to their benefit, Brexit risks becoming just the start of an unravelling of globalisation and the prosperity it has created."
(A menos que eles acreditem que a ordem global funciona em seu benefício, o Brexit corre o risco de se tornar apenas o começo de um desdobramento da globalização e da prosperidade que ela criou.)
➦ "THEIR"(line 32) ➜ voters.
"[...] In the ensuing quarter-century the majority has prospered, but plenty of voters feel as if they have been left behind. Their anger is justified."
(No quarto de século que se seguiu, a maioria prosperou, mas muitos eleitores sentem-se como se tivessem sido deixados para trás.
A raiva deles(voters) é justificada.)
➦ "IT"(line 54) ➜ meritocratic self-advancement.
"[...] The right preached meritocratic self-advancement, but failed to win everyone the chance to partake in it."
(A direita pregava o auto-progresso meritocrático, mas não conseguiu que todos tivessem a chance de participar dela.)
➦ "THEY"((line 72) ➜ people.
"[...] Liberals believe in the benefits of pooling sovereignty for the common good. But, as Brexit shows, when people feel they do not control their lives or share in the fruits of globalisation, they strike out."
(Os liberais acreditam nos benefícios de reunir a soberania para o bem comum. Mas, como mostra o Brexit, quando as pessoas sentem que não controlam suas vidas ou compartilham os frutos da globalização, elas são eliminadas.)
➦ "THEIR"(line 86) ➜ people.
"[...] The virtues of tolerance and compromise are conditions for people to realise their full potential."
(As virtudes da tolerância e do comprometimento são condições para as pessoas realizarem todo o seu potencial.)

13 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The expression in bold and the item in italics convey equivalent ideas in

(A) "As if victory were a licence to spread hatred" (lines 9-10) – Due to the fact that
(B) "Unless they believe that the global order works to their benefit" (lines 16-17) – Provided that
(C) "While American GDP per person grew by 14% in 2001-15" (lines 68-69) – Given that
(D) "But, as Brexit shows, when people feel they do not control their lives or share in the fruits of globalization" (lines 71-73) – Besides
(E) "Hence, liberals also need to restore social mobility and ensure that economic growth translates into rising wages." (lines 91-93) – Thus

14 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The fragment

"Sooner than curb numbers, governments should first invest in schools, hospitals and housing." (lines 104-106)

expresses an idea of

(A) strong advice
(B) weak permission
(C) improbable guess
(D) unreal necessity
(E) unquestionable truth

15 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The author claims that "Without their ideas, and their energy, Britain would be much the poorer" (lines 109-111) given to the fact that migrants

(A) are welcomed by all members of society.
(B) provide a valuable help for economic growth.
(C) encourage the market to open more job positions.
(D) accept low-paid jobs in care homes and the building trade.
(E) force the government to invest in schools, hospitals and housing.

16 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

In the fragment "That rekindled an interest in markets." (line 118), "That" refers to the fact that

(A) liberalism has already been confronted.
(B) 19th century liberals welcomed less interference from the state.
(C) 1970s liberals concluded that the state had become suffocating and heavy-handed.
(D) essential human needs are far more relevant than political and economic freedom.
(E) political and economic freedoms are weakened when basic human needs are not fulfilled.

17 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The communicative intention of paragraph 13 (lines 119-124) is to

(A) convince liberals that Mr. Fukuyama was right in his analysis.
(B) encourage present-day liberals not to give up on their convictions.
(C) inform that Mr. Fukuyama’s essay on history was not trustworthy.
(D) reveal that Margareth Thatcher was unimpressed by the Soviet collapse.
(E) announce that the value of historical analysis should never be underestimated.

18 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

The title of the last section of the text – "Back to the future" – brings in itself a paradox between the words "back" and "future".

It may be inferred that this paradox refers to the fact that

(A) Britain is about to enter a time of prosperity equal to past ones.
(B) the great immigration flows of the past will be part of the British future again.
(C) Britain’s culture of compensation is to be implemented in a new form of liberalism.
(D) liberals lost their hegemony more than once in the past and are about to lose it again.
(E) the economic and political models of the past proved to be more effective and should be implemented in the future.

 

19 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

According to the text, the victory of the Brexit campaign can be attributed to anger since

(A) racial abuse was the core issue that motivated the British to abandon the EU.
(B) ordinary British citizens feel that they have been paying a high price for democracy.
(C) Donald Trump and Marine Le Pen, two traditionally enraged politicians, were central inspirations in this campaign.
(D) deep dissatisfaction with a myriad of problems led the British to vote against their permanence in the EU.
(E) local politicians have betrayed the British desire for a greater flexibility in immigration laws.

20 – (PUC-RIO-2017-VESTIBULAR- RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS)

the original publication of this text, a paragraph was introduced by the following sentences:

"The fight for liberalism is at its most fraught with immigration. Given that most governments manage who comes to work and live in their country, the EU's total freedom of movement is an anomaly."

These sentences would fit in immediately before the paragraph that begins with

(A) "Now that history has stormed back with a vengeance, liberalism needs to fight its ground all over again.” (lines 77-79)
(B) "Just as important is the need for policies to ensure the diffusion of prosperity.” (lines 87-88)
(C) "Just as global trade rules allow countries to counter surges of goods, so there is a case for rules to cope with surges in people.” (lines 100-102)
(D) "Liberalism has been challenged before.” (line 112)
(E) "When Margaret Thatcher was prime minister, amid the triumph of Soviet collapse, an aide slipped Mr. Fukuyama's essay on history into her papers.” (lines 119-121)